By Nate Hochman
Tuesday, May 24, 2022
Yesterday, Caroline Downey reported that State Farm, the insurance
mega-corporation that had recently launched an initiative sponsoring
the distribution of LGBT literature to children as young as kindergartners, was
having second thoughts:
State Farm, the household-name
insurance company, has abandoned its program to distribute LGBTQ-themed
books to teachers, community centers, and libraries, explicitly targeting
children as young as kindergartners, after a media exposé based on a
whistleblower email caught the company by surprise on Monday.
In an email to all State Farm
agents and staff members sent just hours after multiple news outlets revealed
the book initiative, Victor Terry, chief diversity officer and vice president
of public affairs, announced the cancellation of its collaboration with GenderCool, an organization
that promotes LGBTQ teaching via speaking events, mentorship programs, DEI/HR
consulting, and advising for parents of transgender children.
“State Farm’s support of a
philanthropic program, GenderCool, has been the subject of news and customer
inquiries. This program that included books about gender identity was intended
to promote inclusivity,” the email, obtained by Libs of TikTok, read. “We will no longer
support that program.
It’s not the first time in recent months that a large corporation
has snubbed left-wing activists. In March, Disney’s ill-considered decision to
go to war with Ron DeSantis over Florida’s Parental Rights in Education Bill
backfired so badly that the entertainment company decided to withdraw from
political activism altogether. As I wrote at the time:
DeSantis didn’t cave. As Phil
Klein wrote, “Disney’s CEO Bob Chapek made a public show of
calling DeSantis in protest about the parental-rights bill. . . . Some
suggested that this put DeSantis in a tight spot, given that Disney is one of
the most powerful businesses in the state and one of its major employers. But
the governor not only told Disney to pound sand, he made a public show of it.”
And then? He won. Rather
than lean into the fight, Chapek announced that Disney would be “pausing all
political donations in the state of Florida.” In an open letter detailing the
decision, Chapek apologized to progressive activists: “You needed me to be a
stronger ally in the fight for equal rights and I let you down. I am sorry.” In
the end, it was all talk. DeSantis’s courage actually de-politicized
the company. Go figure.
Then, in April, Bloomberg reported that Exxon-Mobil planned “to prohibit the
LGBTQ-rights flag from being flown on the corporate flagpole outside its
offices during Pride month in June,” updating “company guidance on what flags
can be displayed outside its offices” to ban “‘external position flags’ such as
PRIDE and Black Lives Matter.” It was a symbolic move, to be sure, but
significant nonetheless. I wrote:
Big business’s relatively recent
entry into the culture wars was at least partially a question of basic
incentives: Progressive activists, armed with the enormous institutional power
of the media, Big Tech, the culture industry, the universities, and one of the
nation’s two major political parties, were increasingly demanding that
corporations use their considerable economic power to go after their enemies.
Conservatives, on the other hand — traditionally more deferential to the
business community — were reluctant to respond in kind.
But we’re beginning to see a shift
in that dynamic. The Republican base is now demanding that their leaders show
some backbone in the culture wars, and is making it politically unacceptable
for party elites to cave to corporate interests. Conservatives —
particularly those of the social-conservative variety — are realizing that big
business is often not their friend, and responding in kind. As a result, the
incentive structure is changing before our eyes.
Then, on the heels of the leak of the draft Roe decision,
large corporations — many of which had become vocal proponents of any number of
boutique social-justice issues in recent years — were conspicuously silent.
“Among most Fortune 500 companies, substantive statements were few and far between,
whether in support of or opposition to the court’s draft opinion,” the New
York Times reported. Their old allies on the activist left noticed: “The silence is deafening from corporate America in Roe
v. Wade,” one PRWeek headline declared.
Then, just last week, Netflix went on the offensive
against the woke activism within its own company. Caroline Downey reported:
Netflix recently canceled several
social justice-oriented projects and on Tuesday laid off 150 employees, many of
whom created content that catered to various racial and sexual identities, in
an apparent effort to steer the business model away from prioritizing the interests
of progressives.
On top of the layoffs, Downey wrote, “Netflix published
an update to its corporate culture memo for the first time in nearly five years
. . . which declared that the company would be embracing a big tent content
strategy regardless of whether staff find some of it objectionable. Rather than
indulge the protestations of woke employees, Netflix encouraged them to
seek a different workplace more compatible with their values.”
And now, State Farm — all in all, a bad few months for
the activists who had grown accustomed to having corporate America do their
bidding. Whether it lasts, of course, remains to be seen. But it’s a step in
the right direction.
No comments:
Post a Comment