By Jim Geraghty
Tuesday, May 31, 2022
If Congress or state legislatures want to
change laws regulating firearms because of the mass shooting at Robb Elementary
School in Uvalde, Texas, then logic dictates they should focus on enacting
reforms that would have prevented the Uvalde shooter from obtaining his
weapons. A seven-day waiting period might have briefly delayed his rampage but
wouldn’t have stopped it. The so-called “gun-show loophole” had no role in the
massacre. Limits on magazine capacity would not have made much difference when
the police waited more than an hour before confronting the gunman.
The shooter passed a background check, and
many Americans are likely reading stories of his horrific behavior and
wondering just how that could’ve been allowed to happen.
One of his
former friends said he had slashed his own face, “drove around with another friend at night sometimes and shot at
random people with a BB gun,” and egged people’s cars. The shooter
reportedly boasted about torturing animals:
One Yubo
[a social-media platform] user graphically described to ABC News how “the
shooter would allegedly publicize the abuse, and would ‘put cats in plastic
bags, suspend them inside, throw them at the ground and throw them at people’s
houses.’”
Users of that
same social-media app said he had “told girls he would rape them, showed off a rifle he bought, and
threatened to shoot up schools in livestreams.” Other
classmates described the shooter getting into “about five” fistfights in middle school and junior high, and
remembered him commenting he “wanted to join the Marines one day so he could
kill people.” Police reportedly visited the home when the gunman got into angry
arguments with his mother on more than one
occasion, but no charges were filed. A former
classmate told CNN other teens actually called him “school shooter.”
Quite a few of these actions —
particularly the shooting others with a BB gun and making threats of violence —
could have and should have spurred criminal charges. (Texas courts have upheld
treating a BB gun as a deadly weapon because it is “capable of
causing serious bodily injury.”) Texas law also
states that a person commits the felony
offense of “terroristic threat” if he “threatens to commit any offense
involving violence to any person or property with intent to . . . place any
person in fear of imminent serious bodily injury.”
If the shooter had been convicted of a
crime, he would have been barred from purchasing a firearm.
The shooter also sounds like a prime
candidate for being involuntarily committed for demonstrating behavior
indicating he was a danger to himself or others. Under Texas
law, if a person is committed for temporary
or extended inpatient mental-health treatment, is found incompetent to stand
trial after being charged with a crime or is acquitted of a criminal charge for
reasons of insanity or mental defect, that information must be made available
to the FBI for inclusion in the National Instant Criminal Background Check
System (NICS), where it would cause him to fail a mandatory background check if
he tried to purchase a gun.
Texas law does not require
the reporting of emergency mental-health detentions, admissions or warrants, or
voluntary commitments to NICS. (That might be a useful change to the law, but
had that change been in place, that would not have prevented this massacre.)
We have a national problem of angry young
men, disturbed and fantasizing about inflicting horrific violence upon innocent
people. These angry young men often make threats to others before carrying out
their massacres, but those whom they threaten rarely feel compelled to report
the threats to the police because they don’t think it will make a difference,
or they fear they will be targeted for retribution after the police contact the
person making the threats. It is hard to blame them; in far too many cases, law
enforcement does not take significant action. (I think going to police and
filing a complaint is a lot to ask of teenagers.)
Similarly, getting a troubled person
committed to a mental institution requires someone who cares enough about the troubled
person to take that action, and who knows
how to navigate the legal process for this “last resort” in mental health.
Federal law bars those under age 18 from
purchasing any firearm, and those under age 21 from purchasing a handgun. In
the aftermath of the Uvalde shooting, a few governors, such as Phil Murphy in
New Jersey and Kathy Hochul in New York, have announced an intention to pass
legislation barring those under age 21 from purchasing any firearms. But the
problem is not all 18-, 19-, and 20-year-olds; the problem is emotionally
disturbed and mayhem-minded 18-, 19-, and 20-year-olds. (No institution in
America puts more guns into the hands of 18-, 19-, and 20-year-olds than the
Pentagon.)
Our old friend David French notes that “in every one
of the deadliest school shootings, the shooter exhibited behavior before the shooting that could have
triggered a well-drafted red flag law.” To French, “well-drafted” means that “the
law should contain abundant procedural safeguards, including imposing a burden
of proof on the petitioner, hearing requirements, and a default expiration date
unless the order is renewed through a clear showing of continued need.”
From what we now know about the Uvalde
shooter, he seems like a slam-dunk case of demonstrating behavior indicating
that he was a threat to others.
But my friend Cam Edwards points out
that there’s a flaw in most of the red-flag laws on the books in the 19 states
that have them. In just about all of the cases, the
court system and police seize the firearms of the troubled individual and then
. . . that’s it. There’s no requirement for subsequent counseling or mental-health
treatment. The state has taken away that person’s guns and called it a day.
That emotionally disturbed or threatening person is still free to attack
someone with a kitchen knife or try to run down someone in their car. As D. J. Jaffe
wrote in 2019, “It makes no sense to let people who are
known to be seriously mentally ill and believed to be dangerous go without treatment,
even if they have had their weapons taken away. It’s not compassionate. And it
can be dangerous.”
Ideally, every state in the country would
have a “red-flag law” that sorted out the legitimate cases of threatening
behavior from people venting grievances by making unserious claims, that had a
clear appeals process, and that took the mentally ill and treated them so that
they were no longer a threat to others. And then, instead of just nicknaming a
troubled teenager “school shooter,” people would take action to ensure that he
did not actually become a school shooter.
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