By Michael
Brendan Dougherty
Monday,
September 13, 2021
It was just July 31 when CDC director
Rochelle Walensky said, “To clarify: There will be no nationwide mandate [of
vaccines]. . . . There will be no federal mandate.” She was just repeating the
administration’s line, which Joe Biden had been saying since before his
inauguration. In December, then president-elect Biden said, “No, I don’t think
it should be mandatory. I wouldn’t demand it to be mandatory.”
Last week, plans changed.
If you squint hard after drinking some
homemade Chartreuse, it’s not quite a federal mandate to get vaccinated.
Rather, it’s a new rule for the Occupational Safety and Health Administration,
which will require your employer, if that employer has 99 other employees
besides you, to either test you for COVID-19 every week or certify that you are
vaccinated. Failure to comply comes with huge fines for the employer.
Technically, you could just quit! Or, technically, your employer could collect
your precious nasal fluids every week. Or force you to present them to a doctor
and bring your test in to be verified by — someone in HR or your supervisor.
More likely they’ll just demand that you get the vaccine or get fired. So you
won’t be forced to do anything, it’s just a personal and
private medical decision between you, your doctor, your direct report, human
resources, and the Department of Labor.
This is becoming a familiar playbook. The
federal government can’t directly impose speech codes and police your thoughts.
But it can create workplace rules that make the employer liable for an “unsafe”
environment if you in any way express your wrong thoughts about transgenderism,
or gay marriage, or family life — either verbally, through decorations hung in
your cubicle, or your hand gestures. That’s why you have to sit through
sensitivity trainings, why you’re being pressured to sign on to “allyship,” and
why you, if you are a conservative at a corporate headquarters job you really
need, learn to shut up right quick. By using regulations and fines to dragoon
private entities, the government gets to outsource the violation of the First
Amendment. So why wouldn’t it use the same playbook when it usurps public-health
authority from the states and the people, where it was assigned in the Tenth
Amendment?
Besides this slippery use of authority,
there are larger problems with Joe Biden’s latest plan to end the pandemic. The
first and most serious is that this reversal on mandates is yet another lie to
the public. America’s public-health authorities — including NIAID director
Anthony Fauci and Rochelle Walensky — have gotten into this habit of trying to
manipulate the public with untruths. Fauci is up-front about this. He misled
the public, according to his own account, about masks in order to preserve them
for medical professionals. (This itself is almost certainly untrue; he more
likely believed the ample studies showing that cloth masks are mostly useless
at stopping a respiratory virus.) He has upped his guesses and predictions for
when the public might reach herd immunity, based on what he thought the public
could bear to hear. Walensky reversed CDC policy on kids’ masking outdoors at
summer camp; the about-face was clearly a result of political pressure, but she
pretended it was on the basis of new studies. And this is besides the American
officials’ bad habit of not addressing obvious questions. The United States is
a strange outlier in its refusal to discuss natural immunity.
The public’s lack of trust has been fatal
to the COVID-containment effort. And it contrasts, neatly with the approach of
Denmark, which has recently relaxed all government-imposed COVID restrictions.
Denmark’s public-health authorities often leveled with the public about their
confidence level in various measures. Denmark did employ a vaccine passport,
but its use was extremely limited compared with neighboring France’s
vaccine-passport measures. In Denmark, you could still shop without a vaccine
passport. The Danish government’s information campaign stressed that the
vaccine was safe, effective, and voluntary.
That high level of social trust, the
transparency of public-health authorities, and the more tightly calibrated
intervention — focusing on those with the highest risk — helped Denmark avoid
the nationwide rioting that has greeted vaccine passports in Israel and France.
By declining to compel compliance, Demark allowed people to come to their own
decision, and it did not put the relatively small group of skeptics on the
defensive. Needless to say, Denmark did not force employers to be involved in
the health care of individual workers. Nor did the elected government’s leaders
express anything like the dripping contempt that Joe Biden’s shows for
laggards, as when he recently snarled, “Our patience
is wearing thin.”
There’s another larger problem with the
plan: There’s no description of an end-state.
You can see this problem and the illogic
in Vice President Harris’s insistence that masking and testing will “protect
the vaccinated.” Because the vaccinated already have the best protection
they’re going to get in the vaccine itself. Comparatively, non-pharmaceutical
interventions such as masks are almost useless. It has been obvious for a year
that the pandemic is driven far more by the change of seasons and that whole
regions of the United States see rises and dips together, whether or not they
have indoor or outdoor mandates.
American authorities are exacerbating the
culture-war dynamic that informs our pandemic response. Biden has now
consistently framed his policy as a set of rewards and punishments for good and
bad behavior, rather than as responses to the fluctuations of the pandemic
itself. One begins to suspect that the reason the Biden administration refuses
to describe an end-state for the pandemic is that our pandemic policy is
divorced from the disease itself. It is now a policy seeking moral satisfaction
rather than public health.
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