By David Harsanyi
Monday, December 14, 2020
When Mike Dukakis was asked
by CNN’s blunt Bernard Shaw during the 1988 presidential debates whether he
would support the death penalty if his wife, Kitty, had been raped and
murdered, the Massachusetts governor famously responded, “No, I don’t, Bernard,
and I think you know that I’ve opposed the death penalty during all of my life.
I don’t see any evidence that it’s a deterrent and I think there are better and
more effective ways to deal with violent crime.”
Given the kind of coddling Democrats receive from the
press these days, Shaw’s question sounds especially jarring. But Dukakis’s
automaton-like response to a query about the theoretical slaying of his dear
wife did not go over well with the American public at the time. The candidate
did not seem to genuinely grapple with the complex moral implications of murder
and punishment.
Like Dukakis, I oppose the death penalty as a matter of
policy (other than for extraordinary cases of domestic terrorism, such as
Timothy McVeigh) for several reasons relating to state power and the
effectiveness of the practice. That’s my rational side. But viscerally
speaking, I have yet to encounter a death sentence in America in my lifetime
that I didn’t think was well-earned. That’s despite the dishonesty that usually
defines the coverage of these cases.
This summer, the federal government began putting people
to death for the first time in 17 years. “Trump administration executes Brandon
Bernard, plans four more executions before Biden takes office,” said
a Washington Post headline last week. While that is technically
true, it wasn’t Trump who convicted these men of murder; it was a jury of their
peers. It wasn’t Trump who upheld their convictions after numerous appeals; it
was the judicial system. It wasn’t Trump who found the death penalty
constitutional; here, it was the Supreme
Court that reaffirmed the Federal Death Penalty Act of 1994 requires
executions to be carried out “in the manner prescribed by the law of the state
in which the sentence is imposed.” It wasn’t Trump who sponsored that law in
1994; it was Joe Biden.
Reporters nearly always glide past the horrifying
specifics of these murders, spending inordinate amounts of space presenting the
case of anti–death penalty advocates, who themselves often dishonestly paint
these men as victims. A curious person will almost always have to ferret out
all the ghastly details. This isn’t an accident.
The New York Times stresses that the “Justice
Department Executes Man for Murder Committed When He Was 18.” NBC News notes,
“U.S. executes Brandon Bernard, who was 18 at the time of his crime, despite
appeals.” (The same people who want 16-year-olds voting want to treat
18-year-olds who commit multiple homicides as if they were children.) If
Bernard had been 35 when he was convicted, his advocates would be claiming he
was railroaded or mentally unfit or innocent. Every execution is conducted
“despite appeals.”
Take this detestable Vox piece, wherein the reader
learns
that Bernard, “a model prisoner, mentoring at-risk youth,” had “committed
crimes that resulted in the deaths of a young white married couple in 1999” —
which not only makes a double homicide sound like an unfortunate accident but
also intimates that the conviction had something to do with the race of the
victims and perpetrator.
The fact is that 18-year-old Bernard helped kidnap and rob
a couple named Todd and Stacie Bagley, youth ministers visiting Killeen, Texas
from Iowa. The fellow gang members he was with could have let them go. Instead,
they forced the Bagleys into the trunk of their car and drove around for hours.
While the victims were locked in the back, they appealed to the humanity of the
kidnappers, saying “that they were not wealthy people, but that they were
blessed by their faith in Jesus.” After hearing these words, one gang member
wanted to back out of the murder.
Not Bernard, though, who didn’t merely “commit crimes
that resulted in the deaths” of the Bagleys. He had been the one driving the
car used to hunt for victims. After the murder was planned, it was Bernard who
drove to purchase the fuel to burn them. It was Bernard, along other another
person, who poured the lighter fluid on the car “while the Bagleys sang and
prayed in the trunk.” It was Bernard who brought the Glock used to shoot Todd
in the head and knock Stacie unconscious when the car didn’t burn fast enough.
The autopsy revealed that Stacie died from smoke inhalation.
“Having gotten to know Brandon,” Kim Kardashian West told
her 68 million followers on Twitter last week, “I am heartbroken about this
execution.” I myself don’t believe the death penalty solves much — and the cost
and moral baggage isn’t worth it — but we should be heartbroken for the
Bagleys, whom no one will ever get to know. If you’re leaving out that part of
the story, then you’re not having a real conversation about the death penalty.
And we rarely do. “Two Black men have been executed
within two days. Two more are set to die before Biden’s inauguration,” writes
CNN, diligently attempting to create the impression that the federal government
is targeting black men. The first person put to death this summer was white
supremacist Daniel Lewis Lee. Wesley Ira Purkey, Dustin Lee Honken, Keith
Dwayne Nelson, and William Emmett LeCroy — all as deserving as Bernard — were
all executed this very summer as well.
As I write this, “Dylann Roof,” the racist murderer of
nine parishioners at Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston
in 2015, is trending on Twitter. Most of the irritation seems to be directed at
officials who, I guess, aren’t executing Roof fast enough — which is a weird
way to make the case to spare Bernard. Why, some of these people demand to
know, did the justice system coddle Roof but kill Bernard? Well, in reality, a
jury of nine white and three black Americans found Roof guilty on 33 criminal
counts and unanimously came back with the death penalty in the
sentencing phase. Once Roof loses his appeals — he committed his crimes 16
years after Bernard — he will be executed, unless Biden, or whoever is
president when the day comes, decides otherwise. Will we see celebrities
pleading for his life? Will there be messages of heartbreak from Kim Kardashian
West? Will newspapers and liberal websites offer slippery phrasing to explain
his crimes? Seems unlikely.
On rare occasions, there is some genuine doubt about the
legitimacy of the conviction. Many death-penalty cases are overturned on appeal.
That’s why the process exists. But you either believe the punishment for those
guilty of committing especially heinous, cruel, or depraved crimes should be
death, or you do not. The death-penalty debate should revolve around the
morality and efficacy of state policy regarding that criminality, not some
fantasy world in which butchers are selectively cast as victims.
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