By Kevin D. Williamson
Wednesday, December 16, 2020
One of the key insights of conservatism is that habit
matters. Call it culture or tradition, or call it manners
as National Review does, the corpus of informal rules, norms, and
expectations that quietly governs 90 percent of life in a free society is, in
most situations and conditions, much more extensive in its influence than the
formal rules and procedures that govern the other 10 percent of life.
This is why we cannot simply bomb the backward corners of
this unhappy world with copies of the Constitution and expect them to build
liberal republics with no further input. In the long term, the law will not
save you.
In the short term, it may.
In spite of Donald Trump’s mad insistence that he somehow
won the presidential election he lost, there never has been any serious
prospect of his remaining in office, even if the idea of his forcibly extending
his presidency excites the fever swamps of the Democratic Left and the Trumpian
Right. (What you hear on talk radio and read on social media is not political
discourse; it is a role-playing game, Dungeons & Dragons for the soul-sick
people who foam at cable-news personalities — call it Kornackis &
Bonginos.) The usual cretins are making a black-list and checking it twice,
quantifying who’s naughty and nice with an eye toward vengeance: It took
Mitch McConnell six weeks to congratulate Joe Biden on his election! Angels and
ministers of grace defend us!
And it did take Senator McConnell six weeks after
Election Night to congratulate Biden. He did so immediately after the real
election, which happened in the Electoral College on Monday. One of the helpful
features of the Electoral College is that it offers few footholds for motivated
ambiguity. Of course, McConnell should have congratulated Biden earlier, rather
than going along, even passively, with the charade of a double-secret Trump
victory. But McConnell, like other relatively responsible Republicans,
eventually was pushed to act by the relentless march of procedure.
Some conceded when enough states were called for Biden
that his Electoral College win was assured; some waited for recounts; some came
around when the states officially certified their votes. More will come around
when a joint session of Congress goes through the motions of certifying the
Electoral College vote in January. Others will come around on or before January
20.
And some won’t. Donald Trump probably will be among those
who refuse to engage with reality, which has long been his habit. He is a
salesman of fantasies, and a very successful one, but he is also a Kulturkampf
drug-dealer who has long been high on his own supply. And some conservatives
will follow him, many because there is money and power to be had by doing so,
others because they are emotionally incontinent, their hatred having overcome
their reason.
For now, the cultural slurry pond of mad Trumpism — the
spectrum of delusion that runs from Sean Hannity to QAnon — has been contained
by procedure, even as Trump et al. attempted, in their daft and incompetent
way, to manipulate the rules to their own ends.
But our procedures are not self-executing. Our systemic stability has
relied upon the patriotism and prudence of state and local officials, state
courts, the federal courts, and the Supreme Court, including the three justices
appointed by Trump, none of whom would take up his fantastical nonsense.
Republicans are not alone in this. The Democrats’ effort
to impeach Trump, a project that preceded its pretext, was very much of a piece
with Trump’s refusal to concede his defeat. The formal rules allowed for the
Democrats to do what they did, but their actions were destructive, cynical, and
self-serving nonetheless. That mad crusade, too, ultimately was contained by
constitutional process.
Three big cheers for procedural regularity.
We complain about it, but we should be gladdened every
time a criminal gets off “on a technicality.” Our freedom resides in those
technicalities. From the rules of trial procedure to the building code, stable
and generally agreed-upon sets of rules — necessarily imperfect rules — are the
foundation for the credibility and legitimacy of our institutions.
But it is difficult to imagine that a society as
intellectually democratic and committed to informality as our own will long be
stabilized by formalities. It only takes a little metastasis for the rot
in the culture to seriously muck up the machinery of formal power, and we have
seen it happen from time to time in the politicization of agencies such as the
IRS and the NLRB, and, more to the point here, in Texas attorney general Ken
Paxton’s foolish and morally corrupt effort to overturn the election on Trump’s
behalf.
In the end, it will be impossible to maintain a
rules-based civil order if Americans do not believe the rules to be legitimate
or feel bound by them. We are in need of refreshing the habits of citizenship,
without which we will in the end cease being citizens and become subjects.
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