By Robert VerBruggen
Tuesday, December 01, 2020
Lately I’ve been joking about a vast right-wing
conspiracy to shore up the power of the new Supreme Court. Conservative lawyers
across the country have filed a series of legal claims with a very particular
set of skills: These cases ask courts to step in to advance conservative
political goals, they seek to achieve such big victories this way that they
drive the Left insane with panic . . . and they are incredibly weak legally.
The goal can’t possibly be for these efforts to win in
court, no matter how many Federalist Society-approved judges Trump has
installed. After all, the defining feature of a conservative judge is adherence
to the text and meaning of the law. It’s liberal judges who pretend that
laws mean whatever benefits their side of the political aisle.
Instead, the goal must be to buff up the legitimacy of
the Court through a series of high-profile cases in which Republican-appointed
justices “defect” and rule against conservative litigants. Then the justices
will have the political capital to overturn Roe!
This is, again, a joke; no one is playing
four-dimensional chess here (as far as I know). But the scenario above, in
which conservative judges come out of 2020 looking like the neutral arbiters of
the law they’re supposed to be, may nonetheless be how the story concludes.
The most obvious example comprises the lawsuits to
overturn the 2020 election results as fraudulent, a string of cases that Andy
McCarthy has been covering
diligently. During Amy Coney Barrett’s confirmation hearings, Democrats
repeatedly raised the prospect that the courts could hand the election to
Trump. Yet nearly a month after Election Day, there’s no sign that
Trump-appointed judges are pursuing this goal.
Allegations of fraud and other election shenanigans
deserve investigation, but Trump appears unable to credibly challenge enough
results to make himself the winner, and GOP-appointed judges are not going to
hand him the election on the basis of challenges that are not credible.
Stephanos Bibas, a Trump appointee to the Third Circuit (and a noted
conservative legal thinker whose work has run on National Review),
recently clobbered one attempt to stop certification of the results in
Pennsylvania, writing that the campaign’s claims had “no merit.” The decision
was unanimous, with Bibas’s opinion joined by two other Republican appointees.
I expect similar results if cases such as this one are appealed to the Supreme
Court.
During the Barrett hearings, Democrats also seemed highly
concerned that the Court would overturn Obamacare on the basis of a ridiculous
legal theory in which Congress rendered the law unconstitutional by removing
the penalty for violating the individual mandate. One senator even proposed
an elaborate conspiracy in which congressional Republicans had set up the
legal challenge on purpose when they changed the law.
But when the case was argued before the Court a few weeks
back, it became clear that the justices weren’t having it. The final decision
still hasn’t come down, and the Court could do a variety of different things
regarding the case’s second-tier
legal issues. But Obamacare is almost certainly not getting struck down.
Then, this Monday, the Court confronted Trump’s plan to
subtract illegal immigrants from the census for purposes of apportionment —
meaning states with lots of illegal immigrants would get less representation in
the House. Standing in the way of this plan is the text of the Constitution,
which says that “representatives shall be apportioned among the several States
according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in
each State, excluding Indians not taxed.”
As I laid out in July, that language does have some
wiggle room, as the government has changed its treatment of certain groups
(such as overseas federal personnel) over time. But it takes a creative reading
of the law, and a departure from historical precedent, to declare that illegal
immigrants in general don’t count as persons in the states where they live, and
in many cases have lived for years. The idea is that “persons” really refers to
“inhabitants,” and that “inhabitants” is a term of art that doesn’t include
people living somewhere without authorization.
Just as happened at the Obamacare oral argument, some
conservative justices heavily implied they were not friendly to this reading.
Justice Barrett told a Trump-administration lawyer that “a lot of the
historical evidence and longstanding practice really cuts against your
position. And, you know, there’s evidence that in the Founding era, an
inhabitant was a dweller who lives or resides in a place.” Justice Brett
Kavanaugh told the other side that they’d “advanced forceful constitutional and
statutory arguments” against excluding illegal immigrants.
Now, also like the Obamacare case, the census case
features a lot of smaller details on which the Court’s position is less clear.
Most important, the Trump administration now says it probably won’t be able to
identify illegal immigrants comprehensively with the data it has, meaning it
may have to settle for subtracting specific subsets of them, such as those who
have been ordered removed from the country or are detained by Immigration and
Customs Enforcement. The government also has records on illegal-immigrant
“Dreamers” brought to the country as minors who signed up for “deferred
action.”
In some of these cases, one can argue that the immigrants
in question aren’t really residing in the states the census counted them in, so
there’s room for a narrow Trump victory. But these folks might not even be
numerous enough to shift any House seats, and the president’s original plan, to
exclude illegal immigrants to the maximum extent possible, has been reduced to
a shadow of its former self.
All of this speaks well of conservative judges. To the
extent that Americans worried about the Supreme Court being run by shameless
GOP hacks, these skeptical moves by justices should calm their fears. For that
we can thank the conservatives who filled the courts with iffy claims and the
lefties who went to DEFCON 1 over it.
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