By John Hirschauer
Monday, September 30, 2019
I don’t envy Nancy Pelosi.
The base of her party has been apoplectic for the better
part of three years. Not without help — from the moment that Donald Trump beat
Hillary Clinton, elected Democrats have carefully built up a sense of panic and
scandal around the Trump administration, a sense that, in fairness, has been
unwittingly and clumsily abetted by the behavior of the president and his
aides. Escalated by the breathless outrage of the media, a shroud of
illegitimacy has enveloped the Trump White House from Day 1, and this shroud
has, in turn, allowed the base of the Democratic party to avoid facing
democracy’s colder realities, such as: Sometimes you lose. And it’s not necessarily
anyone’s fault — not Russia, not racism, not rednecks — but your own.
But that doesn’t mean you can’t try to pretend otherwise.
First came efforts to undo the Trump presidency via the
Electoral College by flipping enough electors to reverse the result (watching
progressives, I must add, make use of the electoral college’s anti-democratic
features was quite a sight to behold). After that failed, a California Democrat
launched an “Impeach Trump Leadership” PAC, meant to coopt the impeachment pretexts
du jour — emoluments-clause violations, speculative mental ailments,
Representative Al Green’s impassioned say-so — and give each of them something
like professional sanction. Then, of course, came the Russia probe, with all
its unseemly partisan pomp: the trivial “bombshells,” the seething media
firestorm, the discursive public hearings, the televised predawn arrest of
Roger Stone (helicopters in the air!), and the theatrical build-up and relative
inconsequence of the Mueller Report.
All the while, the adult wing of Pelosi’s party sat idly
by, never drawing any substantive line between itself and the ceaseless outrage
and hyperbolic furor that so characterized their fellow Democrats. Pelosi, for
her part, realized the electoral harm that had been wrought by a rabid,
vindictive coterie of progressives in her party. She told The New York Times
Magazine:
Yes, on the left there is a Pound
of Flesh Club, and they just want to do to them what they did to us. . . . I
have those who want to be for impeachment and for abolishing ICE. Two really
winning issues for us, right? In the districts we have to win? I don’t even
think they’re the right things to do. If the evidence from Mueller is
compelling, it should be compelling for Republicans as well, and that may be a
moment of truth. But that’s not where we are.
But now that House Democrats might — might! — finally
have sufficient predicate to pursue impeachment, Pelosi faces another
challenge: to convince the American people that this iteration of Trump
hysteria is the genuine article, and that this animal is different from the one
that gave birth to Rob Reiner, Keith Olbermann, and the rest of the farcical
hyenas who made such a mockery of the Russia probe.
The latest pretext for impeachment has, at minimum, the
whiff of impropriety: President Trump’s conversation with Ukrainian president
Volodymyr Zelensky includes references to military armaments (Zelensky brings
this up, saying, “We are almost ready to buy more Javelins from the United
States”) and reciprocity in the same conversation where Trump solicits an
investigation into his political opponent. Much of the alleged quid pro quo
occurs in the conversation’s subtext. Ukraine needs our aid for its conflict
with Russia, which, as Michael Brendan Dougherty points out in these pages, is
a ubiquitous reality in American–Ukrainian diplomacy. But both Pelosi and the
American electorate know that even if this Ukrainian phone call serves as an
adequate predicate to impeach a duly elected president, that impeachment — whether
it’s because Trump is a boor, because he’s trying to “take away health care,”
because he’s a serial philanderer, because he allegedly slept with a porn star,
because he has a “mental illness,” because he lost the popular vote, because he
is ignorant on most matters of domestic and foreign affairs, whatever — has
been the stated goal of much of Pelosi’s caucus from the day Trump was elected.
It’s hard for me to shake the feeling, in other words,
that impeaching Donald Trump has always been the Democrats’ intended end,
begging for sufficient means from the moment he won the White House.
Pelosi knows that. She also knows that, barring a
pro-impeachment consensus in both chambers, a Senate acquittal could well
redound to the president’s electoral benefit in 2020. But after seven moderate
members of the House cosigned an op-ed in the Washington Post voicing
their support for impeachment, she also knows she could lose her caucus. “Just
impeaching Trump for his bad behavior isn’t worth it,” she told the New
Yorker. “But, if he challenges our system of checks and balances as he is
doing, if he undermines our democracy, our electoral system, as he is doing, if
he undermines his own oath of office as he is doing, it is a challenge to our
Constitution.”
Pelosi hopes this latest allegation meets muster. Perhaps
the seventh time will be the charm.
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