By Dalibor Rohac
Friday, June 28, 2019
Shortly before President Trump departed Washington to
attend the G20 Summit in Japan, he proclaimed that “Europe treats us worse than
China” during a television interview. Yet the existence of the summit itself,
and especially the president’s meeting tomorrow with China’s leader, Xi
Jinping, is a reminder that the United States and Europe still need each other
and will continue to in the future.
To understand how the modern transatlantic alliance
arrived at its current juncture, it is worth remembering its origins. European
powers were laid in ruins after the Second World War. Their leaders, faced with
the task of rebuilding their continent in the shadow of the Soviet Communist
threat, were determined to do everything they could to prevent another global
conflict. To achieve peace and prosperity, they allowed the United States to
take a leading role in the post-war political organization of the continent.
Today, both the Second World War and the Soviet Union are
just hazy memories. Europe is the world’s largest economy and the risk of war
is minimal. The United States, meanwhile, no longer faces the challenge of
containing the Soviet Union. Instead, it has to manage the economic rise of
China and Beijing’s increasing assertiveness. It is no surprise that the
transatlantic alliance has lost some of its cohesion.
Like President Obama’s attempted pivot to Asia, the Trump
administration’s current focus on China is grounded in a sound strategic
intuition. However, President Trump makes the mistake of lumping China and the
EU together as America’s adversaries. In reality, the United States needs
Europe to confront China. Americans and Europeans would be better able to hold
China to account through existing multilateral trade structures and coordinated
responses, rather than one-off bilateral “deals.”
If European countries continue to welcome Chinese
investment and are unconcerned by the growth of Chinese influence, America’s
job will be much harder. The ongoing argument about allowing China to build
much of Europe’s next-generation 5G telecommunications network exemplifies the
risks. It is not only Trump’s rhetoric that needs to stop in order to get
Europe on the side of the U.S.. The United States has to present its allies with
a coherent, intelligible strategy that Western governments can rally behind.
For decades, Europeans not only have relied on America’s
military might but have also taken geopolitical cues from Washington. In spite
of its being an economic superpower, the EU’s hard power remains
underdeveloped. For all the talk of “strategic autonomy,” especially after
Trump’s election, the continent lacks the strategic culture needed to operate
independently of the United States. More than halfway through Trump’s term,
Germany is hesitant to lead, and the U.K. has eroded its standing in the world
by using all of its policymaking bandwidth to solve the Brexit conundrum.
Whether they like it or not, Europeans and Americans have
to find a common language. In the present political environment the two sides
of the Atlantic have a shared interest in ensuring the international rule set
they created after World War II — and extended in the greater European space
after the Cold War — are not revised in the coming decades by an authoritarian
and economically powerful China. On the European side, the obstacles include
the casual anti-Americanism exacerbated by Donald Trump’s bluster. Almost as
many Germans, according to a recent poll, see the United States as a threat to
world peace as Russia. Moreover, 72 percent of respondents want German foreign
policy to be more independent of that of the United States.
Yet by far the biggest obstacle to a renewed
transatlantic partnership is the knee-jerk distrust of the European project in
American foreign-policy circles. The attempts to go behind the back of Brussels
and strike deals with individual countries adds to the current distrust of the
United States in Europe. Similarly, the expressions of support to Europe’s
populist disrupters, such as the leader of the U.K.’s Brexit party, Nigel
Farage, are not helping either.
Contrary to what many U.S. conservatives seem to believe,
European nations are genuinely committed to the project of European
integration. The EU may seem an oddity to many Americans, but it fulfills a
role that even its most vocal critics on the European continent recognize as
important. Nobody expects the United States to learn to love the EU. A good
first step would be simply to accept that the occasional efforts by this
administration to force Europeans into a choice between Brussels and Washington
are invariably counterproductive.
The transatlantic partnership has never been perfect, and
there have always been differences of opinion. However, that does not mean that
Europeans and Americans do not need each other. They do — and politicians on
both sides of the Atlantic would be well-advised to behave accordingly.
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