By Sohrab Ahmari
Thursday, January 26, 2017
Donald Trump’s double-layer fence along America’s
southern border, and his plan to suspend all immigration from terror-producing
countries, are dramatic and consequential pieces of public policy. But they’re
also palliative symbols. The message they send to the president’s supporters
is: “Your days of anxiety are behind you. We will be a coherent nation once
more.”
Politicians across the West are beginning to tell their
voters the same thing in what is shaping up to be the widest rollback of the
freedom of movement in decades.
It’s not just right-wing nationalists like Marine Le Pen
in France or Hungary’s Viktor Orbán. Centrists get it, too. Some, like Angela
Merkel, are still-reluctant restrictionists. Others, like Theresa May, Dutch
Prime Minister Mark Rutte and French presidential aspirant François Fillon, are
more forthright. All have wised up to the popular demand for drastically lower
immigration rates.
The paradox here is that freedom of movement is unraveling
now because liberals won central debates—about Islamism, social cohesion and
nationalism. Rather than give ground on any of these fronts, they accused
opponents of being phobic and reactionary. Now liberals are reaping the rewards
of those underhanded victories.
Liberals “won” the debate about the link between Islamist
ideology and terrorism.
For eight years under President Obama, the U.S.
government eschewed even the term “Islamism.” The preferred nomenclature
created the ludicrous effect that U.S. service members were sent to war against
people passionate about “violent extremism.” But voters could read and hear
about jihadists offering up their actions to Allah before opening automatic
fire on shoppers and blasphemous cartoonists.
Mr. Obama’s linguistic exertions didn’t repress the
truth. They merely opened the space for others to express it—and sometimes to
grossly distort it, by suggesting, for example, that all 1.4 billion Muslims
are terrorists or terrorist sympathizers and should be denied entry into
Western homelands.
Liberals also largely “won” the debate over Muslim
integration.
For too many liberals, every Islamist atrocity was cause
to fret about the “Islamophobic” backlash it was sure to trigger. This had
become an almost an automatic reflex: When a jihadist would go boom somewhere,
liberal hashtags expressing solidarity with threatened Muslim minorities were
never far behind.
But liberals didn’t bother nearly as much about the
pathologies in Muslim communities, and in Islamic civilization itself, that
were producing so much carnage. Some liberals would sooner abandon their own
feminist and gay-rights orthodoxies than criticize what imams in certain
suburbs of Paris and London were telling their congregations about Afghanistan
and defending the honor of the ummah.
Amnesty International cozied up to the British-Pakistani
radical Islamist Moazzam Begg despite his fawning interviews with the al Qaeda
preacher Anwar al-Awlaki. When an Amnesty staffer named Gita Sahgal went public
with her objections in 2010, the organization suspended her and argued in a
press release that “jihad in self-defense” wasn’t “antithetical to human
rights.”
Likewise, the Islamist philosopher Tariq Ramadan became
the toast of New York intellectuals—though he refused to call for an outright
end to the Islamic practice of stoning adulterers.
By contrast, liberal writers sneered at the Somali-born
human-rights activist Ayaan Hirsi Ali as an “Enlightenment fundamentalist.”
Brandeis University withdrew an invitation to Ms. Hirsi Ali to speak on campus
in 2014. The Southern Poverty Law Center branded her an “extremist” along with
the counterterror campaigner Maajid Nawaz in a report last year.
Liberals thus empowered the most aggressive elements of
Muslim communities while marginalizing reformers. Mr. Ramadan became the
tribune of Western Islam, while Ms. Hirsi Ali and Mr. Nawaz were branded
inauthentic and bigoted. Is it any wonder that many voters came to see all
Western Muslims as sources of danger and social incohesion?
Liberals, finally, “won” the debate over nationalism.
In Europe especially and the U.S. to a lesser extent,
liberals treated nationalism and the West’s Judeo-Christian heritage as relics
of a dark past. For European Union leaders, the ideal political community was
an ever-expanding set of legal procedures, commercial links and PC norms.
Citizens could fill in the blanks with whatever cultural content they
preferred—preferably “Europe” itself.
But norms and law didn’t inspire political attachment.
The hunger for authentic identity drove young European Muslims to the Islamist
underground. Meanwhile, among native Europeans, the far right came to own
nationalism and nationhood. The divergence proved poisonous.
Judging by their breathless editorials and social-media
outbursts, leading liberals still blame this reversal in political fortunes on
a paroxysm of collective fear and hatred, the forces they’ve always sought to
banish. Yet the main culprits for the popular revolt against liberalism are
liberals themselves. If liberal ideals are to survive the current backlash, the
West needs sharper, more hard-headed liberals.
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