By George Will
Sunday, January 28, 2017
In 2013, a college student assigned to research a deadly
substance sought help via Twitter: “I can’t find the chemical and physical
properties of sarin gas someone please help me.” An expert at a security
consulting firm tried to be helpful, telling her that sarin is not gas. She
replied, “yes the [expletive] it is a gas you ignorant [expletive]. sarin is a
liquid & can evaporate … shut the [expletive] up.”
Tom Nichols, professor at the U.S. Naval War College and
the Harvard Extension School, writing in The
Chronicle Review, says such a “storm of outraged ego” is an increasingly
common phenomenon among students who, having been taught to regard themselves
as peers of their teachers, “take correction as an insult.” Nichols relates
this to myriad intellectual viruses thriving in academia. Carried by
undereducated graduates, these viruses infect the nation’s civic culture.
Soon the results include the presidential megaphone being
used to amplify facially preposterous assertions, e.g., that upward of 5
million illegal votes were cast in 2016. A presidential minion thinks this
assertion is justified because it is the president’s “long-standing belief.”
“College, in an earlier time,” Nichols writes, “was
supposed to be an uncomfortable experience because growth is always a
challenge,” replacing youthful simplicities with adult complexities. Today,
college involves the “pampering of students as customers,” particularly by
grade inflation in a context of declining academic rigor: A recent study showed
“A” to be the most commonly awarded grade, 30 percent more frequent than in
1960. And a 2011 University of Chicago study found that 45 percent of students
said that in the previous semester none of their courses required more than 20
pages of writing and 32 percent had no class that required more than 40 pages
of reading in a week.
“Unearned praise and hollow successes,” Nichols says,
“build a fragile arrogance in students that can lead them to lash out at the
first teacher or employer who dispels that illusion, a habit that carries over
into a resistance to believe anything inconvenient or challenging in
adulthood.” A habit no doubt intensified when adults in high places speak
breezily of “alternative facts.”
“Rather than disabuse students of their intellectual
solipsism,” Nichols says, “the modern university reinforces it,” producing
students given to “taking offense at everything while believing anything.” Many
colleges and universities, competing for tuition dollars “too often drawn
thoughtlessly from an inexhaustible well of loans,” market a “college
experience” rather than an education. The experience “turns into five and,
increasingly, six [years].” Nichols notes that “the fragility of 21st-century
students” results from “the swaddling environment of the modern university”
that “infantilizes students” who demand “trigger warnings” and “safe spaces.”
Much attention has been given to the non-college-educated
voters who rallied to Trump. Insufficient attention is given to the role of the
college miseducated. They, too, are complicit in our current condition because
they emerged from their expensive “college experiences” neither disposed nor
able to conduct civil, informed arguments. They are thus disarmed when
confronted by political people who consider evidence, data, and reasoning to be
mere conveniences and optional.
For all the talk in high places about emancipating the
many from “the elites,” political philosopher Walter Berns was right: The
question always is not whether elites will govern but which elites will. And a
republic’s challenge is to increase the likelihood that the many will consent
to governance by worthy elites. So, how is our republic doing?
What is most alarming about the president and his
accomplices in the dissemination of factoids is not that they do not know this
or that. And it is not that they do not know what they do not know. Rather, it
is that they do not know what it is
to know something.
The republican form of government rests on
representation: The people do not decide issues, they decide who will decide.
Who, that is, will conduct the deliberations that “refine and enlarge” public
opinion (Madison, Federalist No. 10).
This system of filtration is vitiated by a plebiscitary presidency, the
occupant of which claims a direct, unmediated, almost mystical connection with
“the people.”
Soon, presidential enablers, when challenged about their
employer’s promiscuous use of “alternative facts,” will routinely use last
week’s “justification” of the illegal voting factoid: It is the president’s
“long-standing belief,” so there. In his intellectual solipsism, he, too, takes
correction as an insult. He resembles many of his cultured despisers in the
academy more than he or they realize.
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