By Kevin D. Williamson
Tuesday, July 07, 2015
The Greeks have their Bernie Sanders. What they need is
their Chris Christie.
The Greek people spent part of the weekend in the streets
celebrating their status as international deadbeat. They spent the rest of the
weekend hoarding food, fuel, and medicine in preparation for the manmade
disaster they have inflicted upon themselves.
Greek referendum voters overwhelmingly rejected bailout
terms offered them by their European patrons. Greece’s leftist prime minister,
Alexis Tsipras — think of him as Europe’s answer to Senator Sanders, but with
enough discipline to be dangerous — insisted that a popular rejection of the
bailout terms would put him in a stronger negotiating position. The European
Central Bank (ECB) immediately began to disabuse the Greeks of that notion: The
first order of ECB business on Monday was — if you’ll forgive me for eliding
the financial gobbledygook — choosing a larger sledgehammer with which to jack
up Greek financial institutions should Athens fail to sober up sufficiently for
Tuesday’s emergency negotiations. The ECB is imposing larger losses on Greek
banks, not smaller ones, and may yet discontinue its emergency support
entirely, in which case: lights out.
Tsipras assured the Greeks they were voting themselves
better bailout terms. They are getting the opposite — if, indeed, they get
anything. More than a few well-informed observers believe that the Germans have
simply abandoned hope that the Greeks are capable of real reform or willing to
engage in it, and that the Greek “No” vote was welcomed with a quiet sigh of
relief, providing Angela Merkel et al. with a plausible excuse to scuttle further
bailout efforts. The Greeks may have burned their bridge to Europe, but the
Germans are roasting marshmallows over the flames.
The presence of Greece in the Eurozone is the result of a
lie: The Greeks pretended to get their deficits and debt under control, and the
Europeans pretended to believe them. That was the first act. In the second act,
after the advent of the current crisis, the Greeks pretended to enact fiscal
reforms, and the Europeans pretended to believe them. Political logic is, not
coincidentally, lawyer logic — which is to say, it substitutes consensus for
reality. If enough people (jurors, voters) are convinced that your position is
the correct one, then you “win.” Maybe the election turns out your way, as with
Tsipras and the referendum. Maybe political consensus prevents your opponents
from enacting their favored policies, just as conservatives have for decades
been frustrated in their efforts to enact entitlement reform by cheap and
dishonest images of grandmothers being pushed over cliffs. Maybe O. J. Simpson
walks.
Politics is negotiation. Reality is non-negotiable. The
Greeks were not one euro (or drachma!) better off after their weekend temper
tantrum; if anything, they were worse off, as attested to by the spectacle of
the citizens of a civilized, high-income, European country stockpiling sugar and
flour like denizens of some backward war zone. In the homeland of political
philosophy, political discourse has been reduced to an infantile bawl on the
part of the people — the eternal “I Want!” — and the parental version from the
leadership: “Because I Said So!”
Greek public debt is unpayable. More important, the Greek
standard of living is, given real economic conditions, unsustainable. Real
reform is necessary on the narrow fiscal front and on the general economic
front, and the other European powers, daftly committed as they are to the
proposition that Greeks and Germans are so different that they have separate
countries but so similar that they’ll thrive from a single set of shared
economic policies, are offering to help finance those reforms. Ideology and
Euro-idealism are, needless to say, not the only motives at work: The Germans
have self-interested reasons to preserve the current European order.
The Greeks, and the anti-“austerity” Left worldwide, can
question those motives. They can decry them. But until Venezuela coughs up
billions upon billions of dollars to bail out its sister socialist paradise,
the Europeans are the only game in town, and the ancient proverbs apply: Greece
is a beggar nation, and beggars are not choosers.
It is not as though Americans are immune to the
substitution of temper tantrums for real budgets. Polls have shown that
Americans understand, for example, the financial problems of Social Security,
and that the program’s imbalances mean that there are essentially three
possible remedies: raising taxes, cutting benefits, or some combination of
both. Majorities of Americans oppose all three. Chris Christie is running for
president as the entitlement-reform guy, rejecting the conventional wisdom
about the so-called third rail of American politics: “They say, ‘Don’t touch
it.’ We’re going to hug it.”
But will voters embrace such reform?
The situation in Greece illustrates the shocking extent
to which citizens of advanced, high-income, democratic societies are willing to
see themselves reduced in exchange for a small regular check from the
government. It does not inspire confidence. Hillary Rodham Clinton, who wrote a
book called “Hard Choices,” has embraced the do-nothing agenda on entitlement
reform. That wasn’t a hard choice. But there are hard choices to come, and
we’ll either be choosers or we’ll be beggars.
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