By Tom Nichols
Tuesday, June 16, 2015
The United States is no longer a serious country.
Now, by this I do not mean that America is no longer a
super-power. By any gross indicator of strength, the United States is as
powerful as it’s ever been, perhaps more powerful than at any time in its
history. It has a massive, highly productive economy, a military second to
none, and an alliance that dwarfs all possible competitors. On paper, it’s
still the only super-power on this planet (or on any other that we know of, so
far).
But the status of a great nation is built on more than
raw power. It includes intangible qualities like respect, admiration, and, yes,
fear. We don’t need all three of them; no major power does. But we need at
least one of them at any given moment, and right now, we’re bottoming out in
each of these measures. President Obama may insist that America is now “the
most respected country on Earth”—a claim even the normally more forgiving folks
at PolitiFact rate as only “half-true”—but the Russians, Iranians, and Chinese
clearly disagree, and for good reason.
The Chinese hack of the Office of Personnel Management is
the most recent, and most obvious, example of how our status is going down the
drain. This is a disaster of unimaginable proportions. The intelligence damage,
including security-clearance information, will last for decades. (I, of course,
am one of the millions of federal workers waiting to find out if my files are
now in Beijing.) Almost as shocking as the size of this breach, however, is the
fact that no one seems to care very much, including the Chinese, who have shown
no concern at all.
An Act of War, Ignored
In any normal world, a super-power would not tolerate
this kind of an attack. Perhaps more accurately, a true super-power would never
have to endure such an attack in the first place, because other nations would
be loath to engage in such a direct act of open hostility. States do lousy
things to each other all day long, but the wholesale and brazen theft of
personnel records is a different kind of espionage. The scale is so vast that
it is a direct challenge to the United States of America.
In response, the most powerful country in the world has
drawn itself up to its full height, clenched its mighty fist in anger,
and….contracted out for some identity-theft protection for its employees. The
majesty of the enraged eagle is truly remarkable to behold.
The critics say the government wasn’t very good at
protecting that information. It was wearing its data-management skirt a little
short this time, so it deserved this kind of attack. To argue that sloppy
information security makes what happened understandable, however, is to miss a
far larger point: countries, as a rule, do not do whatever they can do, they do
what they think they can get away with, and those are two different things.
There are plenty of things the United States could do,
every day, to other nations, including Russia and China. Some of them we do,
and some we don’t, because we have some sense of the various costs and risks
involved. In those cases where we enjoy a major advantage over an opponent, we
can take more direct action, like sending Stuxnet to the Iranians. (Whether we
should have been bragging about it is another question.) But we do not simply
steal, attack, or destroy everything we can find, because we recognize this
could make life a little tougher among nations we have to live with every day.
Our Enemies Display Open Contempt
The OPM hack shows that China has no such compunctions.
Our tepid response, sadly, shows that Beijing may have guessed at our response
accurately. There are many things we could do, including public denunciation of
the act, demarches, sanctions, and other public actions, along with more
shadowy things I won’t speculate about here. Instead, we’re watching the
Chinese military build fake islands in the middle of the sea while the
president tries to figure out why his own party won’t give him more authority
to trade with other nations in Asia.
To get some idea of the scale of this problem, imagine if
this whole fiasco had happened the other way around. Think about the tense
situation we’d be in today if China said American hackers, at the behest of the
U.S. government, managed to steal the personal information of every employee of
the Chinese government. Somehow, I doubt that Beijing’s response would be to
call Life-Lock for a bulk rate.
The situation elsewhere is no better. The Iranians, after
repeated delays, have graciously consented to permit us to beg them for a
nuclear deal that they have already made clear will not bind them on the issues
most important to us. The mullahs, obviously fearful and full of deep respect
for the Obama administration, seized a ship and issued fiery denunciations of
the West while we’ve been pleading with them to allow us to legitimize their
aggressive ambitions.
And then there are the Russians. Never has a Kremlin
regarded an American administration with such a combination of contempt and
disrespect. To reverse Michael Corleone’s famous line, it’s not business, it’s
personal. Yes, the Soviet regimes before this harbored deep hatred for Ronald
Reagan, treated Gerald Ford with utter patronization, and regarded Jimmy Carter
as a hectoring bumpkin. But they feared and respected Reagan, and they actually
liked Ford even while running roughshod over American objections to Soviet
policies. To some extent, they even came to fear Carter (or at least the Carter
that emerged as a born-again Cold Warrior after 1979).
Today, the Russians act as if America does not exist.
They fly aggressive missions against North America, threaten the Europeans with
nuclear attack, and slap our diplomats down for even hinting at their
violations of a longstanding treaty. They believe NATO is merely a showy
façade, a Potemkin alliance led by absentee American landlords to whom they
need pay no attention other than to insult us.
Weakness Invites Aggression
All of this is the end result of almost seven years of
passivity in foreign affairs. Candidate Obama promised to talk to countries
like Iran without preconditions, which is exactly how not to approach
negotiations with people who mean you harm. Later, President Obama adopted a
visionary policy of “not being George W. Bush,” despite the immediate and
mounting evidence this would not work as a substitute for an actual
national-security strategy. Since the debacle of the 2014 midterm elections,
the president and his advisers have doubled down, stubbornly clinging to the
idea that only lesser mortals really worry about obvious flummery like
“national interest,” “reputation,” or “security.”
None of this can end well. Power without intention or
principle is meaningless. It does us no good to amass the greatest
intellectual, military, and economic capabilities on earth if the only result
is to apologize for our own superiority, then to nod sadly when others attack
us for having the temerity to exist. We were once a super-power. We were once a
serious nation. We can be both again, if we have the will.
For now, however, it seems our enemies understand our
situation better than we do.
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