By Charles C. W. Cooke
Thursday, May 14, 2015
It took just a few sorry hours for the news to become
politicized. On Tuesday evening, we were told of a tragedy. An Amtrak train
running between New York City and Washington D.C. had derailed disastrously at
Philadelphia, killing eight and wounding two hundred. By Wednesday morning,
tragedy had become transgression. Speaking from the White House, press
secretary Josh Earnest explained that he didn’t know for sure why the train had
crashed, but that it was probably the Republicans’ fault. “We have seen a
concerted effort by Republicans for partisan reasons to step in front of those
kinds of advancements” that would have prevented crashes such as this one,
Earnest proposed slyly. His message: “Yeah, the conservatives did it.”
Before long, this theory had become omnipresent on the
Left. At PoliticsUSA, Sarah Jones complained that, “gambling with Americans
lives,” “reckless Republicans” were planning to respond to the “deadly
derailment with more proposed cuts to Amtrak.” At MSNBC meanwhile, erstwhile
transportation expert Rachel Maddow contrived to play Sherlock Holmes. “There’s
no mystery about this disaster in Philadelphia,” Maddow submitted, ‘and there
will be no mystery when it happens again.” The culprit, she proposed, was a
lack of infrastructure spending. “This is on Congress’s head.” Not to be
outdone, Mother Jones got in on the act, too: “The Amtrak Crash,” Sam Brodey
declared excitedly, “Hasn’t Stopped Republicans From Trying to Cut Its
Funding.” Well, then.
In all cases, the implication was clear: The dead were
dead and the injured were injured because old rails had buckled under new
weights; because underserviced wheels had locked up and given out; because the
electrical wires that undergird the information systems had finally
disintegrated and gone back to seed. Thus was a new tragedy ghoulishly
recruited to an old cause. Rare is the day on which we are not told that
America’s bridges are crumbling and that its roads are cracking, and that
selfish and unimaginative politicians in Washington are rendering the United
States as a shadow of its former self. Rare, too, is the day on which it is not
asserted by someone that if we would just have the good sense to funnel more
money to our favorite groups, we would be able to escape our present economic
mess. With the news of a terrible crash, the would-be spenders were given a
chance to wave the bloody shirt and to put a face on an agenda. Disgracefully,
they took it.
In a sensible world, this execrable line of inquiry would
have been abandoned at the very moment that it was revealed that the train had
been traveling at almost twice the rated speed limit when it flew off the
tracks, and thus that physics, not funding, was the proximate cause of the
crash. But, alas, we do not live in a sensible world. And so, rather than
conceding that we should treat the questions of infrastructure spending and of
Amtrak’s subsidies separately from the questions surrounding this incident, the
partisans scrabbled around to find an alternate — and conveniently
non-falsifiable — theory: To wit, that if more money had been available to
Amtrak’s engineers, they would probably have been able to find a way of saving
the deceased. Never mind that the money is already there, but is being spent
elsewhere; never mind that the reason that existing “crash-preventing”
technology has not been implemented has more to do with “unique” “logistical
challenges” than with an absence of funding; never mind that new technology is
as capable of failing as old technology. If Amtrak had just had some more money
in the bank, something would have been different. If we had rendered unto
Caesar what his acolytes had demanded, the laws of physics would have smiled
more kindly on the Northeast.
At the Federalist yesterday, Molly Hemingway argued
persuasively that this sort of magical thinking is ultimately born of a
peculiar form of secular theodicy, in which money has taken the place of piety
and in which all accidents, hiccups, and human mistakes can be blamed squarely
upon the unwillingness of the American taxpayer to pay their April tithes with
alacrity. On Twitter, Red State’s Erick Erickson concurred, writing pithily
that “the leftwing reaction to the Amtrak derailment” reminded him of televangelist
“Pat Robertson’s reaction when a hurricane hits somewhere.” There is, I think,
a great deal of truth to this. In our debates over education, healthcare,
energy, and . . . well, pretty much everything, the progressive instinct is
invariably to call for more money, regardless of the nature of the problem at
hand. Naturally, there is a cynical pecuniary aspect to these entreaties:
behind every “for the children” plea, it seems, is a union that is looking to
get its claws into your wallet. But there is also a bloody-minded refusal to
accept the world as it really is. We do not, pace Thomas Paine, “have it in our
power to begin the world over again,” and we never will — however many zeroes
the Treasury is instructed to scrawl on its checks. Accidents happen. Humans
err. Evil prevails. Perfection is a pipe dream. The question before us: How do
we deal with this reality?
On the left, the usual answer is to deny that there is
any such reality. Just as conspiracy theorists prefer to take shelter in the
comforting belief that 9/11 was the product of omnipotence and not of the
unavoidable combination of evil, luck, and incompetence, the progressive mind
tends to find calm in the heartfelt conviction that if we adjust our
spreadsheets in the right way — and if we elect the correct people to public
office — we will be able to plan and spend and cajole our way into the
establishment of a heaven on earth. Thus did the arguments yesterday so
dramatically shift and bend in the wind. Thus were their progenitors willing to
say anything — yes, anything — in order to avoid the conclusion that the world
can be a scary and unfair place and that there is often little we can do it
about. The crash was caused by a lack of infrastructure spending that has left
the railways in a dangerous shape! No, it was caused by a lack of interest in
finding a way to prevent human error! No, it was caused by a general American unwillingness
to invest in the sort of trains they have in Europe or Japan! Republicans did
it! Midwesterners who don’t use trains did it! The rich did it! Quick, throw
money at the problem, and maybe it’ll go away!
Throwing money at a problem is not always the wrong thing
to do, of course. But one has to wonder where the limiting principle is in this
case. There is no department or organization in the world that would struggle
to find a use for more cash were it to become available. If our standard is a)
that more funding might potentially equal less death, and b) that all death
must inevitably be assuaged by more funding, we will soon run out of treasure.
Alternatively, if the conceit is less absolute — i.e. if we accept that we do
not have infinite resources and that this debate is there about priorities —
one will still have to question the choices that Amtrak’s boosters would have
us make. To support federal spending on Amtrak is by definition to suppose that
every dollar spent on the trains is money that could not be spent better
elsewhere: not by taxpayers; not by businesses; not by other parts of the
government; not on paying down the debt; not on anything else on this earth.
This, naturally, is highly debatable. Per the agenda-less, data-driven denizens
of Vox, Americans today are 17 times more likely to be killed in a car accident
and 213 times more likely to be killed on a motorcycle than they are to be
killed on a train. Trains, in other words, are relatively safe. That being so,
one has to ask why anybody would advocate increasing the train budget. By
rights, shouldn’t that money be going to General Motors or to Harley Davidson
or to the various DMVs up and down the land? Shouldn’t it be “invested” in
areas where it will be 17 and 213 times more useful? If it should not, why not?
Why do those who wish to spend money on the trains and not on motorcycle safety
not have blood on their hands, just as we are supposed to believe that those
who wish to cut Amtrak’s budget do? Surely if Harley Davidson had a little more
money, they could develop systems to save lives. Why, pray, are they being
denied that money?
One’s answers to these questions will vary according to
one’s ideological outlook and one’s broader political judgment. For my part, I
am not wild about the idea of subsidizing Amtrak at all. Others, I know, want
the state to underwrite a much wider network of trains, the better to
discourage Americans from flying or from driving their cars. Such disagreements
are reasonable and, perhaps, inevitable. And yet they are only instructive when
indulged dispassionately. It may make us feel good to hover over rapidly
cooling bodies and, searching for anything that might assuage our grief,
entertain our “what ifs” and nominate our villains. But it is certainly no
grounds for the establishment of public policy. Whether they are broke or they
are flush, terrible — yes, even fatal — things happen to good people all the
time. Accepting that this is inevitable is the first step toward maturity. In
Philadelphia, the inevitable happened; and “shoulda, woulda, coulda” were the
last words of the charlatans.
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