By Reihan Salam
Thursday, May 14, 2015
This week, Facebook delighted advocates for a higher
federal minimum wage, up to and including the Obama White House, by announcing
that it will require its contractors and vendors to pay their workers no less
than a $15 hourly minimum wage. Actually, that’s just the tip of the iceberg.
Facebook will also require, among other things, that its partners give their
employees at least 15 days of paid time off and a new child benefit of $4,000
for new parents who don’t receive paid parental leave. So should we celebrate
Facebook for being an enlightened employer, and for pointing the way forward
for every other business in America, and perhaps even Congress? Not quite.
In announcing the new policy, Sheryl Sandberg, Facebook’s
very well-known COO, makes no explicit reference to how this decision bears on
the national minimum-wage debate. She does say that “taking these steps is the
right thing to do for our business and our community,” which I’m sure is true,
and she touts the benefits for women, who “comprise about two-thirds of minimum
wage workers nationally.” And she observes that “research also shows that
providing adequate benefits contributes to a happier and ultimately more
productive workforce.”
Yet Sandberg is a politically savvy executive who has
hired numerous former government officials to staff Facebook’s upper echelons.
It is often rumored that she intends to seek elected office in the future, and
she cut her teeth as an aide to Larry Summers in the Clinton White House long
before joining Google and later Facebook. Though her book Lean In is not
exactly political, it’s not a stretch to see her effort to craft a more
uplifting, market-friendly feminism as part and parcel of building her brand in
anticipation of a political future. And most of all, Sandberg knows very well
that her polarizing company, which is growing rapidly as it extends its
dominance on the mobile web, could use a PR boost. The real mystery is not why
Sandberg has made this announcement. Rather, it’s why she hasn’t done it
sooner.
The really interesting and important question about
minimum wages is whether they are binding. If Sandberg had announced that
Facebook would require its contractors and vendors to pay no less than 15 cents
an hour, I doubt any of us would be impressed. But if she had announced a
$1,500 hourly minimum wage, we might question her sanity, as we can safely
assume that the service workers who keep Facebook’s offices clean and its
employees well fed are earning much less than that. So the really interesting
question is where exactly a wage floor becomes binding, as the wage a firm is
required to pay starts to surpass the productivity of a given employee. Raising
a worker’s hourly wage from $14 to $15 might make her somewhat more productive,
and so it could be that the increase won’t cost her employer anything at all.
But would the same be true if we instead raised this worker’s hourly wage from
$14 to $30 in one fell swoop? I don’t think we have strong evidence to that
effect.
One of the most powerful illustrations of the effect of a
truly binding minimum wage is Puerto Rico’s labor market in the years after
1983, when Puerto Rico adopted the federal minimum wage then prevailing on the
mainland. In the early 1990s, the labor economists Alida J. Castillo-Freeman
and Richard B. Freeman found that the “U.S.-level minimum altered the
distribution of earnings in Puerto Rico to an extraordinary extent,” and that
“imposing a U.S.-level minimum reduced total island employment by 8–10 percent
compared to the level that would have prevailed had the minimum been the same
proportion of average wages as in the United States.” The result of this
massive shock to employment levels was, according to Castillo-Freeman and
Freeman, a massive wave of migration from Puerto Rico to the mainland that drew
largely on “persons jobless on the island, with characteristics that make them
liable to have been disemployed by the minimum wage.”
Will Facebook’s decision to impose a $15 hourly minimum
wage prove as devastating as Puerto Rico’s adoption of the mainland minimum
wage? Of course not. I can’t definitively say if Facebook’s new minimum-wage
policy will prove binding or not, but let’s just say I’m pretty confident that
it won’t. Though Facebook has offices in many different U.S. cities, its
domestic employment base is concentrated in high-wage, high-cost regions. This
is actually very important for understanding Facebook’s new policy.
Instead of relying on scholars who make the case against
higher minimum wages, let’s rely on a scholar who does exactly the opposite,
just to demonstrate that we’re being as fair-minded as possible. Arindrajit
Dube of the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, one of the chief intellectual
proponents of higher minimum wages in the U.S., has explicitly argued that the
U.S. ought to establish a federal wage standard that reflects wages and prices
in a given region. Why should the wage floor be sensitive to wages and prices?
Because unless higher wages translate into higher productivity, the cost of
paying higher wages will tend to lead to higher prices in sectors that employ
large numbers of low-wage workers. Raising prices in low-wage regions will tend
to reduce purchasing power. If firms decide that they don’t want to raise
prices, as doing so will lose them too many customers, they will feel pressure
to economize on labor by, for example, hiring fewer, more skilled workers they
can augment with technology. If the minimum wage had been set at half of the
median wage in the Bay Area in 2012, it would have been $13.37 (in 2014
dollars). In Miami, it would have been $8.55.
Basically, the issues that affect low-wage employers
nationally have almost nothing to do with the requirements Facebook is imposing
on its contractors and vendors. Keep in mind that Facebook is headquartered in
Menlo Park, Calif. Menlo Park is in the San Francisco Bay area, a high-wage,
high-cost metropolitan area. This means that a truly binding wage floor for
workers in Menlo Park would probably be higher than $15 per hour.
Moreover, for Facebook’s contractors and vendors, a truly
binding minimum wage might be even higher, as these contractors and vendors
don’t have to worry about losing low-income customers, the way a quick-service
restaurant in a poor region might. Many of the low-wage workers serving
Facebook provide services that Facebook offers to its employees as a form of
compensation. Facebook might pay you a certain salary, but you’ll also be able
to eat meals, do your laundry, and much else at low or no cost, conveniences
that effectively increase your compensation without also increasing your tax
bill. This is not the competitive landscape facing low-wage employers in most
of the country — their customers aren’t generally people who are getting stuff
for free, and are thus not super-attuned to how much things cost.
So Facebook is doing very, very little here. If
Facebook’s contractors and vendors were paying their employees much less than
$15 per hour, they would have a hard time competing for reliable workers in the
Bay Area, given its relatively high wages. PR is the best explanation for why
Facebook is crowing about taking a step that makes perfect economic sense for
Facebook. That’s not a terrible thing in itself. What is terrible is that at
least some people will assume that because Facebook is requiring that its
contractors and vendors pay higher wages, quick-service restaurants in Pueblo,
Colo., and Tupelo, Miss. (where Facebook does not have large numbers of
employees, in case you were wondering), ought to be required to offer the same
wages and benefits.
There is something that Facebook could do to better the
lives of ordinary people. Working Partnerships USA, a left-wing group in the
Bay Area, maintains that a $19.06 living wage would allow workers to maintain a
decent standard of living. This number is so high primarily because housing
costs in Silicon Valley are obscenely high. To its credit, Facebook has
invested in building denser housing in the region. But if Sandberg used her
platform to call for loosening zoning restrictions across the board, she could
do a great deal of good. One recent paper, by Chang-Tai Hsieh and Enrico
Moretti, found that if New York, San Francisco, and San Jose — Facebook’s
backyard, essentially — lowered their regulatory constraints on new housing to
the level found in the median U.S. city, these cities would expand their
workforce and economic output by enough to increase U.S. GDP by 9.5 percent.
Suffice it to say, this would be a much bigger deal than asking Facebook’s
contractors and vendors to do what labor-market competition in high-wage
markets (and the demands of their employees) already ensures that they’ll do
one way or another.
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