By Robert Tracinski
Thursday, April 02, 2015
What interests and concerns me about the fight over
Indiana’s religious freedom law is not its implication for gay weddings and
whether pizza will be served at them.
Much more important are the basic principles that are
being invoked to argue against the Indiana law. These arguments set out to
define religious freedom out of existence, and they end up defining all freedom
out of existence.
At the end of last year, I complained that “The basic
problem with the left’s conception of freedom is that it doesn’t really have
one.”
The left’s operational concept of freedom is that you are allowed to do and say what you like—so long as you stay within a certain proscribed window of socially acceptable deviation. The purpose of the gay marriage campaign is simply to change the parameters of that window, extending it to include the gay, the queer, the transgendered—and to exclude anyone who thinks that homosexuality is a sin or who wants to preserve the traditional concept of marriage. Those people are declared outside the protection of the law and in fact will have the full weight of the law bear down upon them until they recant their socially unacceptable views.The point is not whether you agree about which views are or should be socially acceptable. The point is that this is not a concept of freedom. It’s a regime of state-controlled ideas, softened by an amorphous zone of official tolerance.
And now, to prove that point, along come my three
stooges—Michael Tomasky, E.J. Dionne, and Charles Blow—writing in response to
the Indiana law.
Tomasky decries the incoherence of continued resistance
to gay marriage, given that judges have ruled it legal.
So if the court rules for same-sex marriage this June, it will have said, in the space of exactly one year: Same-sex marriage is the law of the land, but refusing to honor same-sex marriage is the law of the land, too!Does this make any sense? To your average person I would reckon it makes no sense at all. What kind of court says X is the law, but disobeying X is also the law?
Work with me a little bit to follow this logic. If the
government says gay marriage is legal, then it is required for all private
citizens to approve of and cooperate with it. That which is not forbidden is
mandatory.
Now, when we say that gay marriage is legal, what we
actually mean is that the government is required to offer and recognize these
marriages. But Tomasky assumes that what the state must do, private citizens
must do also. If a law binds the actions of the state, it is also binding on
Mr. and Mrs. John Q. Public. There is no distinction, in Tomasky’s mind,
between government action and private action.
It’s that old principle of tolerance: “Everything within
the state, nothing outside the state, nothing against the state.”
E.J. Dionne adds to this symposium on freedom by
expressing a solicitous concern that conservatives are going to “weaken
religious-liberty arguments overall” by insisting upon that liberty in cases
that fly in the face of “the country’s increasing openness to gay rights.”
[T]urning religious liberty into a sweeping slogan that can be invoked to resist any social change that some group of Americans doesn’t like will create a backlash against all efforts at accommodating religion. Forgive me, but this is bad for the brand of religious liberty.
God forbid that the concept of freedom should allow you,
as an individual, to resist social changes you don’t like. Clearly, the best
way to protect religious liberty is to never invoke it in defense of anything
that is really, really unpopular. Or at least, anything that is really
unpopular among New York and DC elites.
Charles Blow echoes this when he defines the problem as:
“What to do when people want to retain their right to hate and to
discriminate—even if they choose to couch it in fuzzy, nonconfrontational
wording or wrap it in the flimsy cloak of piety—after most of the country has
lost the appetite for it?” Yes, what do we do when a small minority wants to
cling to nonconformist religious practices that elite opinion has decided are
heretical? If only we had some principle, codified in our basic documents of
government, that was intended to cover a situation like this.
Blow also echoes Tomasky when he thunders, “Anything that
even hints at state-sponsored discrimination—blatant and codified—is not only
discordant with current cultural norms but also anathema to universal ideals of
fairness and human dignity.” Did you catch that phrase? “State-sponsored
discrimination.” Anything that is allowed by the government is therefore
sponsored by the government. To not arrest you for doing or saying something is
to adopt that action or idea as the official policy of the state.
That which is not forbidden is mandatory. Everything
within the state, nothing outside the state.
See what I mean when I say that the left has no concept
of freedom? It may have some concept of a range of disagreement that is
socially acceptable and on which the state chooses to remain neutral—though
with the revival of old-fashioned Political Correctness, that range is getting
increasingly narrow, even for the true believers. But they have no concept of a
right to do something or think something or say something simply because it is
what you think and want, regardless of whether society as a whole approves of
it. And without that, there is no concept of freedom.
To be sure, the concept of freedom was damaged long ago.
The whole reason the new religious freedom laws are necessary is because the
ever-expanding power of the state has built up so many controls that already
interfere with every little aspect of life. (The original, federal Religious
Freedom Restoration Act was passed in response to a court case involving drug
laws.) So the laws inevitably clash with citizens’ private judgment and
personal convictions in myriad ways. And these new laws are not even an
absolute protection against that interference. They simply specify that the
state has to have what a judge thinks is a really, really good reason to push
private citizens around, and it has to avoid pushing them around any more than
the judge feels it really needs to. This is still just trying to carve out a
wider range of approved dissent within the context of total state control of
human life.
Quoting Justice Scalia somewhat out of context (though
not entirely out of context, since it was a wrong argument in the first place),
Tomasky hyperventilates that if we allow people to act on “the professed
doctrines of religious belief,” this will “permit every citizen to become a law
unto himself.” Well, isn’t every individual a law unto himself, in a very real
sense, when it comes to how he disposes of his own person, his own property,
and his own mind? Has the law of the state expanded so much that it leaves the
individual no space in which he may determine his own private principles of
action?
Judging from what little is left of the concept of
freedom after our three stooges are done with it, it would seem so. Which is a
problem much bigger than anything having to do with gay marriage.
All three of these articles, by the way, were published
on April 1. I wish I could say they were jokes. Or that any of it is funny.
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