By Jonah Goldberg
Wednesday, April 29, 2015
I once had a boss who gave me some great advice, not just
for managing people but for judging politicians: You forgive mistakes; you punish
patterns. Everybody screws up. But if someone won’t learn from his mistakes and
try to correct his behavior, then he either doesn’t think it was a mistake, he
just doesn’t care, or he thinks you’re a fool. The one indisputable takeaway
from Peter Schweizer’s new book, Clinton Cash, is that Bill and Hillary Clinton
fit one or all of those descriptions.
Let us recall Marc Rich, a shady billionaire indicted for
tax evasion and defying trade sanctions with Iran during the U.S. hostage
crisis. Rich fled to Switzerland to escape prosecution.
He hired Jack Quinn, a former Clinton White House
counsel, to lobby the administration for a pardon. Quinn sought help from
then–deputy attorney general Eric Holder, who advised Quinn to petition the
White House directly — advice Holder later regretted. On the last day of his
presidency, Bill Clinton pardoned Rich.
The ensuing scandal was enormous — and bipartisan. It was
widely believed that Rich had bought his pardon. Denise Rich, his ex-wife, had
made huge donations to the Democratic party, including $100,000 to Hillary
Clinton’s Senate campaign and $450,000 to the foundation building Bill
Clinton’s presidential library.
Liberals were infuriated. “You let me down,” wrote the
Washington Post’s Richard Cohen. “It’s a pie in the face of anyone who ever
defended you. You may look bad, Bill, but we look just plain stupid.”
“It was a real betrayal by Bill Clinton of all who had
been strongly supportive of him to do something this unjustified,” exclaimed
then-Rep. Barney Frank (D., Mass.). “It was contemptuous.” Senator Patrick
Leahy (D., Vt.) chastised, “It was inexcusable.” New York Times columnist
Maureen Dowd suggested Clinton had “traded a constitutional power for personal
benefit.” Jimmy Carter all but called it bribery and said it was “disgraceful.”
You can understand the bitterness. Democrats had defended
the Clintons through Whitewater, Travel-gate, and Hillary Clinton’s
billing-records shenanigans. They even defended Bill Clinton when he raised
millions in re-election donations from Chinese donors and rented out the
Lincoln bedroom. But this was just too much. Fool us once, shame on you. Fool
us half a dozen times . . .
The Clintons said it was all a misunderstanding, which is
what they always say. Quinn offered a familiar defense: “The process I followed
was one of transparency.” Bill Clinton: “As far as I knew, Marc Rich and his
wife were Republicans.” Hillary Clinton kept quiet.
Personally, I think Jimmy Carter was right, which is not
something I say often.
But let’s assume it really was just a misunderstanding.
Wouldn’t a normal person — never mind a family with historic ambitions — go to
great lengths to avoid even the appearance of a repeat performance? When
Senator John McCain was unfairly lumped in with the “Keating Five”
influence-peddling scandal, he said the dishonor was more painful than his five
years in a Vietnamese prison. He dedicated himself to demonstrating the
sincerity of his shame, including his decades-long — though intellectually
misguided — quest to reform campaign-finance laws.
There are no allegations of pardons for sale in
Schweizer’s book. After all, Bill Clinton had none to sell anymore. But the
Rich scandal was equally about the wealthy buying access and influence. And
though there is no clear proof that Bill Clinton illegally sold access to shady
gold-mining interests in Haiti or uranium moguls in Canada, no one this side of
longtime Clinton defender Lanny Davis can dispute that the Clintons have acted
as if they really just didn’t care how it all looked.
As New York Magazine’s Jonathan Chait notes, the
“best-case scenario” is that the Clintons have been “disorganized and greedy.”
The Clinton spin on the book is that there’s not a “shred
of evidence” of criminal wrongdoing, or as ABC’s George Stephanopoulos
helpfully repeated over the weekend, “There’s no smoking gun.” He’s right, but
not being a criminal is a remarkably low bar for a politician, even a Clinton.
The standard is that public servants should avoid even
the appearance of impropriety. Not only is there three decades of evidence that
the Clintons don’t think that standard applies to them, but there’s growing
evidence that his biggest supporters are happy to play the fool — again.
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