National Review Online
Tuesday, April 14, 2015
Marco Rubio seems to like taking risks. Announcing that
he will run for the presidency, as he did in Miami on Monday, means that he may
lose his Senate seat next year. But we’re glad he’s running, as we were glad to
see him challenge Charlie Crist for that seat in 2010, because his instincts
have generally served him, and conservatives, well.
Rubio is probably the most charismatic potential
Republican nominee. He speaks movingly about his love for the United States and
the opportunities it has offered him and his family. He is the field’s most
articulate advocate of strong American leadership in foreign affairs. These
traits alone would be enough to put him in the top tier of Republican
candidates.
But he has gone above and beyond that, spending the last
couple of years churning out a number of innovative, conservative policy
proposals on taxes, higher education, health care, and entitlements. Rubio
enters the field with a comprehensive plan for individual and corporate tax
reform, which he produced alongside Senator Mike Lee of Utah. The plan is not
perfect, but it is an excellent starting point for how conservatives should be
thinking about tax policy: It reduces distortions in the tax code, cuts rates
for almost all Americans and businesses, encourages corporate investment, and
provides badly needed tax relief to middle-class families.
Rubio’s audacity has not always served him well, however.
Joining with Democrats to push a comprehensive immigration-reform package in 2013
was a huge mistake. Rubio’s work was presumably well intended — something
indeed must be done about our immigration system — but he chose dishonest
allies whose visions for immigration reform were incompatible with conservative
priorities. At times, his own arguments, including nonsensical talk about how
today’s lackadaisical border enforcement amounts to the “real amnesty,” were
slippery.
When the bill foundered in the Republican House despite
immensely strong support from big business and other powerful factions, Rubio
backed away. He has now repented, assuring conservatives that he has learned we
must have competent immigration enforcement before making any promises about
amnesty. The Gang of Eight folly was so great, though, that the senator has a ways
to go in winning back the Right. Outlining immigration policies that will favor
our national interest over the priorities of ethnic pressure groups and
business lobbies — the 2013 plan did more or less the opposite — would be a
good step.
Rubio has been among the most eloquent and constructive
critics of the Obama administration on nearly every issue. As a young
politician with a fresh policy agenda, he looks well suited to becoming a
trenchant opponent of the Hillary Clinton campaign, too.
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