By Yuval Levin
Tuesday, July 29, 2014
Many people in Washington seem to be talking about the
prospect of the president unilaterally legalizing the status of several million
people who entered the country illegally as though it were just another
political question. But if reports about the nature of the executive action he
is contemplating are right, it would be by far the most blatant and explosive
provocation in the administration’s assault on the separation of powers, and could
well be the most extreme act of executive overreach ever attempted by an
American president in peacetime.
I am more open to some form of amnesty than most people
around here, I suspect, though the form I could support (as part of a deal that
included more serious border control and visa enforcement) would involve
legalization short of full citizenship, for reasons well articulated by Peter
Skerry here. But the question of how to address the complicated problem of the
status of the more than 10 million people who are in our country without legal
authorization is a matter for the political system as a whole to address. That
system has made several serious efforts to do so in recent years, so far
without success. The most recent such effort (which resulted in a bad bill, in
my view) took place while President Obama has been in the White House. He knows
that as things now stand in Congress the question is not about to be resolved,
and that the 2014 election is not likely to lead to its being resolved in the
way he would prefer. Presumably this disappoints him. But the notion that the
president can respond to a failure to get Congress to adopt his preferred
course on a prominent and divisive public issue by just acting on his own as if
a law he desires had been enacted has basically nothing to do with our system
of government.
In one sense, the approach the president is said to be
contemplating does fit into a pattern of his use of executive power. That
pattern involves taking provocative executive actions on sensitive, divisive
issues to isolate people he detests, knowing it will invite a sharp response,
and then using the response to scare his own base voters into thinking they are
under assault when in fact they are on the offensive. That’s how moving to compel
nuns to buy contraception and abortive drugs for their employees became
“they’re trying to take away your birth control.” This strategy needlessly
divides the country and brings out the worst instincts of people on all sides,
but it has obvious benefits for the administration and its allies. Liberals get
both the substantive action and the political benefit of calling their
opponents radicals and getting their supporters worked up. Obama’s legalization
of millions would surely draw a response that could then be depicted as
evidence of Republican hostility to immigrants, rather than of Republican
hostility to illegal executive overreach that tries to make highly significant
policy changes outside the bounds of our constitutional order.
But while the legalization now being talked about fits
into that pattern in a sense, the sheer scope of its overreach would put it in
a different category as a practical matter. That overreach is not mitigated but
exacerbated by the fact that the president apparently intends to be selective:
We are told he may offer effective legal amnesty to about half of the 11 or so
million people who are here illegally. Which half? And why not the other? The
president apparently intends to answer these questions based on criteria of his
choosing, with no clear foundation in any particular statutory authorization or
provision of law.
President Obama has long treated Congress with contempt,
and has on many occasions taken executive actions that have bent or broken the
limits of the executive’s discretion in our system. Perhaps above all, he has
enforced Obamacare selectively — ignoring some clear requirements of law and
conjuring up others that do not exist. These have been serious violations of
his obligation to see that the laws are faithfully executed, and have caused
serious problems for our system of government. They will leave the next
president with a lot of damage to undo. But what the administration appears to
be contemplating here is of a different scale and character. It is not selective
enforcement of a new statute but rather just an action outside the law, in an
arena in which the president himself has said unilateral action is beyond his
authority and in which there is no case for extreme urgency.
White House officials clearly understand that such a move
would invite a firestorm of opposition and criticism, and they appear to see
that as an advantage. Maybe they’re right that such a step and its aftermath
would work to their political benefit, and maybe they’re not. But surely it
would all harm the country — dividing the public and debasing our system of
government. It seems like just the sort of thing that a national leader would
seek to avoid, rather than work to invite. Let’s hope the reports aren’t true.
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