By Charles C. W. Cooke
Wednesday, July 09, 2014
One can only presume that when, in 1987, the British
singer Sting described himself as an “Englishman in New York” — and a “legal
alien” to boot — he did not set many eyes rolling. What a difference three
decades make. For this innocuous, even quotidian observation, he would now be
at risk of a visit from the language police. In 2014, such microaggressions are
frowned upon, dear boy.
Displaying their unlovely penchant for censoring that
which makes them uncomfortable or glum, a small but vocal contingent of
progressives have responded to the crisis on the southern border by agitating
against language. For a while now, the Left has expressed its discomfort with
saddling those who are in the country illegally with the term “illegal”; more
recently, the word “immigrant” has come under fire; and, as critics have grown
more ambitious, the designation “alien” has been assaulted, too. Last week, my
colleague Ryan Lovelace reports, even Immigration and Customs Enforcement
started to shy away:
Word is spreading that federal officials may have banned the phrase “Unaccompanied Alien Children” from the federal lexicon because the term “alien” inappropriately identifies the illegal-immigrant children flooding across the border.
All told, this is a rather peculiar claim, for even the
briefest of inquiries reveals that the term “alien” perfectly “identifies the
illegal-immigrant children flooding across the border” — in fact, that it
perfectly describes everybody who is present in the United States but is not a
citizen. The United States Citizenship and Immigration Service (USCIS) defines
an “alien” uncommonly clearly, as “A person who is not a citizen or national of
the United States.” Sitting minding your own business in St. Tropez, France?
You’re an “alien.” Here on a student visa? Yes, you’re an “alien.” Snuck over
the border from Canada? “Alien” again. There are no dog whistles here.
Moreover, by adopting and using the sobriquet, USCIS has
set itself firmly within the etymological mainstream. “Alien” comes from the
Latin word “alienus,” which means “stranger” or “foreigner.” So it is in
English. Merriam-Webster submits that “alien” should be used to describe
anybody “relating, belonging, or owing allegiance to another country or
government” and offers up “foreign” as the most appropriate synonym. The Oxford
English Dictionary concurs, proposing within its first definition that an
“alien” is one “belonging to another person, place, or family; not of one’s
own; from elsewhere, foreign.”
If we are to presume that there is a stigma attached to
the word, then, we must surely apply that imputation to everybody who has ever
come to these United States. Among the panoply of forms that USCIS offers on
its website are a “Petition for Alien Relative,” a “Petition for Alien Fiancé(e),”
an “Immigration Petition for Alien Worker,” an “Immigrant Petition by Alien
Entrepreneur,” “Form AR-11, Alien’s Change of Address Card,” and an
“Inter-Agency Alien Witness and Informant Record.” The term for anyone who is
moving “in immediate and continuous transit through the United States, with or
without a visa”? A “Transit Alien,” of course. Those who are merely visiting or
are on temporary visas are “non-immigrant aliens,” while those who live here
permanently are labeled “permanent resident aliens” and, until such time as
they can be naturalized, are obliged to carry upon their persons small green
cards with their “Alien Registration Number” emblazoned onto the front. All in
all, the word appears more than 23,000 times on USCIS’s website, and 34 times
just within its glossary. Should we not begin to wonder whether those objecting
to the appellation are in fact objecting to the clarity of language itself? I
am “resident” here, my residency is “permanent,” and, being currently a British
and not an American citizen, I am an “alien.” The government thus describes me
as a “permanent resident alien.” What, pray, is there to dislike?
Lamenting the manner in which we discuss immigration, the
celebrity lawyer Gloria Allred has gone on record recommending that the word
“alien” be applied only to those “from outer space.” Let us presume for the
sake of a silly argument that we were to indulge her. What next? Unless we were
also intending both to throw open the borders of the United States to all and
sundry and to completely eliminate the distinction between citizens and
non-citizens as well, we would be sorely in need of a new word to describe
those who are physically present in the United States but who are not yet part
of the American polity. This is a big, welcoming, and leveling sort of country,
and one that exhibits a remarkable genius for assimilating people from all
walks of life. But it is not so hot a melting pot that all who walk over its
borders are immediately invited into the club. We do not invite holidaymakers
enjoying their fortnight’s vacation to Disney World to vote in elections, serve
on juries, and submit 1040s the following April. Given this, how might we
describe their position?
Were we to grant Allred’s request, we would be depriving
ourselves of a means by which to answer some important questions — among them,
“Who here is expected to pay taxes?”; “Who must sign up for the draft?”; “Who
may serve in government?”; and “In whose name is the government instituted?” In
order to maintain the important distinctions that afford us the answers to
these questions, we have elected to apply everyday words to the law and to the
culture — words that include “legal” and “illegal”; “citizen” and “alien”;
“resident” and “non-resident”; and “permanent” and “temporary.” One might well
consider that, as it relates to immigration policy, the law is presently an
ass. But to subordinate our language to that belief is infinitely more
problematic. There is a reason that government in George Orwell’s 1984 heralded
“Newspeak” as “the only language in the world whose vocabulary gets smaller
every year,” and that is that doing so allowed it to squeeze the nuance out of
important discussions and to shrink the number of available thoughts that the
citizenry might express. In other words, to circumvent and shut down debate.
All of which is to say that Gloria Allred and her
sympathizers in ICE are not objecting to language but to the law, and that they
hope that by confusing the former they can complicate and conquer the latter.
On grounds both linguistic and political, I dissent proudly from this position.
I am happy to be an “alien” because I appreciate that the word “citizen”
carries with it something that is worthwhile and aspirational — and that I do
not yet enjoy its imprimatur. “Being a citizen of the United States,” Talking
Points Memo’s Josh Marshall has written, “isn’t just a matter of carrying a US
passport or being able to vote, it’s much more foundational than that”:
To me, thick citizenship is really at the root of our equality as Americans. The mix of rights and responsibilities that come with it are what makes the Salvadoran immigrant every bit as much an American as someone whose ancestors have been here for centuries. We’re all equal because we’ve all made the same commitment as citizens.
I agree with every syllable of this — and more besides.
America being as much an idea as a people, citizenship here implies a great
number of virtues, among them patience, love, fealty, commitment, respect,
reverence for tradition, and a willingness to agglutinate oneself to a set of
timeless, almost empyrean values. I do not wish to see my position as an
“alien” elevated above its rightful station for precisely the same reason that,
in three years, one month, and seven days, when I will finally be eligible, I
will not wish to see my position as a “citizen” diluted. Words have meaning;
ideas need words; and the integrity of the beautiful American project relies
heavily upon them both.
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