By Brian and Garrett Fahy
Friday, May 23, 2014
“U.S. Charges Five in Chinese Army With Hacking” read the
headline in the Wall Street Journal.
For the first time, the United States government has
publicly claimed that the Chinese military is actively engaged in cyber warfare
against the United States and American companies. The federal court indictment
alleges that Wang Dong, Huang Zhenyu, Sun Kailiang, Gu Chunhui, and Wen Xinyu,
all of whom are allegedly affiliated with PLA Unit 61398 in Shanghai, engaged
in cyber espionage against several major United States companies, including
U.S. Steel Corp., Westinghouse Electric Co. and Alcoa Inc.
The response from Chinese government spokesman Qin Gang
was predictable, and suggests little will come of the federal indictment.
"This U.S. move, which is based on fabricated facts, grossly violates the
basic norms governing international relations and jeopardizes China-U.S.
cooperation and mutual trust," Mr. Qin said. "The Chinese government,
the Chinese military and their relevant personnel have never engaged or
participated in cyber theft of trade secrets."
Mr. Qin is borrowing Vladimir Putin’s media playbook,
figuring that saying something makes it so, regardless of the facts. In the
last few weeks, Putin has run circles around the American and European
governments as his military continues its occupation of Ukraine. He has twice
claimed that he directed the Russian troops to fall back. His words bear no
relation to the facts on the ground, but in a world where most world leaders
view words as a substitute for action, this suffices.
In an increasingly pathetic effort to respond to a world
that is ever spiraling out of control, the Obama administration levies feckless
sanctions against corrupt Russian plutocrats and futile indictments against
Chinese computer hackers. By these token gestures, the American president is
rendered increasingly irrelevant and is seen as a weakling incapable of
checking foreign aggression. This is Jimmy Carter, without the Southern charm
or the humility.
As with most things, incoherent speaking reflects
incoherent thinking. For the low information president who habitually finds
himself learning of world events through media reports, here’s a brief
explanation of how the world actually works, and how we might respond like the
world power we ostensibly are, or could be again.
In his 1992 book The End of History and the Last Man,
Francis Fukuyama argued that politics had reached its ideological apotheosis in
the Western liberal democracy practiced in the United States and Europe. The
inevitable conquest of democratic capitalism across the developed world,
Fukuyama argued, would auger in the eventual accession of liberal democracy
across the entire globe.
As many subsequently noted, the events of 9/11, the
Global War on Terror, and the “Arab spring” suggested Fukuyama’s thesis might
have been a bit premature, as significant portions of the Muslim world rejected
outright (oftentimes through violence) democratic capitalism and its
practitioners, giving credence to Samuel Huntington’s countervailing narrative
that mankind’s true future lay in a “Clash of Civilizations,” with the Arab
world foremost among those ready to clash with the Western world.
Along with the Muslim world, China and Russia were also
seen as outliers to the Western capitalist world, but the divergence between
the Western and Sino/Russian worlds was seen to be a distinction in degree,
rather than in kind. Where there was an outright clash between the Muslim and
Western worlds in terms of culture, values and politics, there was thought to
be something of a workable tension between the Chinese and Russian worldviews
and the American/European. The Chinese and the Russians will get a form of
democracy after they have gotten enough capitalism (or cash), the argument
went.
Wrong. Recent events unambiguously confirm that in the
quest for global domination, there are now four distinct competing ideologies:
American/European democratic capitalism; Russian imperialism; Chinese
imperialism; and Islamic imperialism.
This is the world as it now stands. In the wake of
America’s continued economic stagnation at home and resulting impotency abroad,
America’s enemies (Islamic fascists in Iran, and petty despots in Syria and
North Korea) and quasi-capitalist competitors (China, Russia) have seized upon
the global power vacuum created by the United States’ withdrawal from the
influence it generally enjoyed from Presidents Reagan to Bush 43.
In light of this, what are America and its leadership to
do? Here are five ideas.
First, Americans who recognize the perils of our present
weakness can immediately change the global balance of power by changing the
balance of power in Washington. A vote for congressional and Senatorial
candidates who desire that America again carries a big stick will send a global
signal that America’s future in the world will not be a continuation of its
present.
Second, the Administration must immediately cease all
plans to cut military funding and restore the funding that has already been cut
during the Obama administration. It’s a sad day when America cannot
simultaneously project enough power to support freedom-loving peoples in
Ukraine and the South China Sea who have no hope for protection aside from
America. This means the drastic reductions proposed to America’s Navy warned
against by Mitt Romney and mocked by the president must be tabled indefinitely.
Third, Americans must demand that any future presidential
candidates have a coherent, clearly articulable worldview regarding the
necessity of American influence projected abroad. The president was able to
skirt this issue because America was “war-weary” in 2008 and the media
helpfully buried the truth of the Benghazi debacle just before the 2012
election. Going forward every election must be, at least in part, a “foreign
policy” election.
Fourth, Americans must understand that for America’s
enemies and its competitors, “international law” and “international norms” mean
nothing. The president and his men stand idly by deriding Russian hegemony as
the actions of a bygone era, but the only thing bygone at this point is
feckless resort to “international law.” Those who do not share our interests
similarly do not share our respect for “international norms.” Does anyone
really think NATO, comprised as it is of nations reliant on Putin’s oil, will
contain Russia? The answer plays out daily in Ukraine.
Finally, American words must presage action, not be a
substitute for it. The Administration may be doing more behind the scenes to
influence events in Ukraine or China, and we hope that is the case. But the
evidence suggests that Obama’s empty words reflect a convoluted policy process
marked by internal confusion about America’s ultimate strategy and the means to
achieve it.
America needs a strong, realistic president who
articulates a foreign policy vision grounded in American strength, a president
who cares more about the right policy than popularity, and a president who
gives hope to the afflicted and assurance and support to our allies. President
Obama has not been such a president.
As the 2016 presidential contenders build their war
chests, line up their supporters, and formulate their policy positions, they
would be wise to reflect on the consequences of “leading from behind,” and the
mess they stand to inherit from this approach.
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