Thursday, August 6, 2026

Mopping Up the Michigan Mess

By Jeffrey Blehar

Wednesday, August 05, 2026

 

So, that was exciting, was it not? The Michigan primaries are over, and it was admittedly hugely entertaining to watch the madness unfold last night: All eyes were fixed on the Democratic Senate primary — and those eyes had widened to the size of dinner plates by the end of a night when Abdul El-Sayed was expected to have blown Haley Stevens’s doors off. Instead, he squeaked by with less than a percentage point. (The 3.1 percent of early votes that Mallory McMorrow had banked before she dropped out proved to be more than three times’ El-Sayed’s margin of victory.)

 

El-Sayed is now the winner, but at a surprisingly bloody cost. No matter what his partisans might wish to think, he ran a cocksure and arrogant primary against Stevens, talking trash about his “AIPAC robot” opponent in a way that resembled a WWF wrestler (or perhaps a developer turned president) more than a Democrat. His calls for unity are entirely one-sided: It’s time for you losers to unite with me.

 

We’ll see how it goes.

 

In the primary for central Michigan’s seventh district, based around Lansing, Democrats did exactly as I predicted they would at the end of July, and jammed themselves up hopelessly: The two “establishment” candidates, former ambassador to Ukraine Bridget Brink and retired Navy SEAL Matt Maasdam, split the sane Democratic vote and received 29 and 28 percent apiece for their troubles. Meanwhile, Democratic Socialist William Lawrence shot through the gap and won with a plurality, garnering 44 percent of the vote. Lawrence is a 35-year-old climate and housing activist who holds all of the orthodox DSA positions and is running in an “even” congressional district (according to the Cook Partisan Voting Index) against an incumbent. Outside of activism, he has never held a job in his life. If he wins, it will be a devastating comment on the political environment.

 

The march of the DSA continued apace in the Detroit area, where state representative Donavan McKinney defeated incumbent Representative Shri Thanedar 52–48. Thanedar is mostly known for repeatedly introducing go-nowhere articles of impeachment against the president and for being Indian in a 45 percent black district (John Conyers’s old seat, as it happens). No more, as of January. The DSA data point is only nominally the reason this race is worth mentioning. The real tragedy is that we’re losing the most improbable head of hair in Washington, D.C., and all because of Democratic civil war.

 

And in the most amusing news of the night, Trump-endorsed candidate Amir Hassan lost his primary race — to a noncandidate. In Michigan’s eighth district — an R+1 eastern Michigan district held by Democrats, not expected to be competitive because of this November’s environment — Republican voters shocked Hassan and gave an outright 50.4 percent majority of the primary vote to Thomas J. Smith. The problem is Thomas J. Smith was no longer a candidate for Congress in Michigan’s eighth district. (He may be again now!) In fact, when Smith dropped out of the race, back on July 18, he publicly endorsed another candidate, pro-life activist Al Lemmo. And yet he won anyway, with zero name recognition and without even campaigning during the past half month.

 

What happened? Why would a Trump endorsee do so poorly in a Saginaw-based district? Perhaps the investigative journalists can answer that question.

Michigan Is Everything for the GOP

By Noah Rothman

Wednesday, August 05, 2026

 

It’s difficult to overstate the stakes of the race for U.S. Senate in Michigan. The outcome of that contest will have not only political but societal ramifications.

 

It looks increasingly like this election’s results will either foreclose on the chances of a Democrat-led U.S. Senate next year or hand the Democrats the keys to the upper chamber. Republican candidates are by no means assured victories in Alaska, Iowa, Ohio, Maine, and Texas, and Democrats are all but guaranteed a pickup in North Carolina. Republicans are unlikely to unseat Georgia’s Democratic Senator Jon Ossoff, so Michigan is the GOP’s only possible Senate gain in this cycle.

 

A victory by the GOP’s Senate nominee in Michigan, former Representative Mike Rogers, would block a Democratic majority at a time when even the party’s “moderates” are committed to taking a sledgehammer to the Constitution, curtailing checks on majoritarian power, and packing the Supreme Court with pliant liberal apparatchiks. A victory by Rogers’s opponent in Michigan, Abdul El-Sayed, would convince Democrats of the wisdom of their far-left strategy and persuade them to pursue it with yet more vigor. A loss, by contrast, would impose some soul-searching on the many Democrats who caved to the party’s radical fringes.

 

The election is also an experiment to prove whether the parlor socialism that prevails in dark-blue congressional districts can play statewide, even in a state Trump won twice. El-Sayed does not identify as a Democratic Socialist, but the Democratic Socialists certainly identify with El-Sayed. A victory would convince Democratic voters that his platform — nationalizing the health insurance industry, abolishing federal immigration enforcement, and confiscating private wealth, if not to help the poor, then certainly to hurt the rich — isn’t radical at all.

 

Perhaps most consequentially, the race will show whether a Democratic candidate can win a swing state — and, therefore, the presidency — while aligning with the enemies of Western civilization.

 

Whether his grief was personal or, as he said, merely sympathy with his constituents, El-Sayed mourned the elimination of Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei — a man with much American blood on his hands. He has made the malignant Maoist influencer Hasan Piker a key figure in his campaign even though (or, maybe, because) the internet-famous streamer has praised Hamas and said that America deserved the 9/11 attacks. He agonized over whether to condemn an Islamist attack on a Michigan synagogue in which Jewish children were targets. Of course, El-Sayed eventually said, he “can condemn” the “attack on Temple Israel.” But then he must also “condemn the violence 6,000 miles away.” With that, El-Sayed revealed that he does not distinguish extralegal terrorist violence in America from Israel’s actions against U.S.-designated terrorist groups such as Hamas and Hezbollah.

 

If he wins in November, progressives will have proof that El-Sayed’s proximity to radical Islamism is not a deal-breaker even in a competitive state.

 

Make no mistake: The GOP’s chances this year are not looking good. Of all the years to test the Great Lakes State’s partisan bent, no Republican would choose 2026 if he could avoid it. While Michigan hasn’t sent a Republican to the Senate since 1994, the GOP will be fighting powerful headwinds. Even if Rogers ran a perfect campaign, the pro-Democratic environment alone could push El-Sayed over the finish line.

 

But the GOP does have a shot. Michigan’s Republican primary voters chose wisely this cycle. Not only is Rogers an appealingly conventional Republican with name recognition and a pre-Trump pedigree, but so, too, is the rest of the Republican ticket. Gubernatorial nominee John James is no neophyte, nor is he a firebrand. Likewise, it will be hard for Democrats to tar secretary of state nominee Anthony Forlini or attorney general candidate Doug Lloyd with the MAGA brush. And while Michigan is a purple state with a distinctly blueish hue, its reddening complexion has been observable for years.

 

This is Rogers’s second bid to become one of Michigan’s U.S. senators. After representing Michigan’s eighth district in Congress for nearly 14 years before, he briefly retired from politics in 2015. In 2024, when Trump beat Kamala Harris in Michigan by 1.3 percent, Rogers ran for a Senate seat but lost to Democratic Senator Elissa Slotkin by just 0.3 percent — about 19,000 votes of the more than 5.2 million cast.

 

Rogers’s allies will tell you that, even without Trump at the top of the ticket, Rogers can count on some unique advantages this year. Unlike 2024, they’ll say, Rogers has not had to bother with a contested primary. He is already a known quantity statewide, so his early ad spending has been on combative messaging rather than purely biographical spots. And his objective isn’t inconceivable. “Rogers said that in order to win next year,” Punchbowl News reported in 2025, “he just needs 85% of those who voted for him in 2024 to do the same in 2026.” That is no small feat, but it’s not inconceivable either.

 

The Michigan GOP will need to reach out to persuadable centrists, of course. But they must also ensure that the blistering wounds Democrats suffered throughout this bitter primary contest do not have the chance to heal. On that score, the GOP may get some help there from the Democratic nominee.

 

“Tomorrow, we begin to mend fences,” El-Sayed told his supporters on Tuesday night. “We’re focused on trying to figure [out] how we bring the party together.” So far, his efforts to bring the party together consist only of saying that he needs to bring the party together. But El-Sayed’s allies, including Hasan Piker, have shown no interest in repairing bonds with mainstream Democratic voters. “You are all unbelievably Islamophobic pieces of s***,” the streamer said of El-Sayed’s Democratic critics. If former Michigan Senator Debbie Stabenow is any indication (she called Piker “the biggest antisemite in media” on the stump this year), the animosity is mutual.

 

And while El-Sayed is a slick campaigner, he’s also an overconfident and brash rhetorician. “Mike Rogers is a weak-ass tool,” El-Sayed said of his opponent last year. “The man has zero political talent; he’s like a non-playing character in life.” That’s the sort of talk that enlivens the online left — emphasis on “online.” But it’s unlikely to win over the emergent “Never El-Sayed” movement.

 

“I will not stand beside someone who has allowed distinctly anti-American sentiment to enter our public dialogue,” Michigan’s Democratic Representative Hillary Scholten declared last week. Maybe Scholten is speaking for only a handful of rank-and-file Democrats. But even if the number is small, it’s not zero, and El-Sayed may have little margin for error in November.

 

Even that modest display of opposition to El-Sayed is extraordinary in an age of hyper-partisanship. But Scholten is clear-eyed about what the candidate represents. “Democrats really should be afraid of what I mean for their system of politics,” said El-Sayed himself. “When I say I’m coming for it, I’m coming for all of it.”

 

The GOP has a steep hill before them in Michigan, but it’s one that they must climb. This is no ordinary race. The consequences of failure extend well beyond the bounds of American electoral politics. The race is a proxy fight — a referendum on America as a civilizational proposition. It’s an up-or-down vote, and we cannot afford to see it fail.

Wednesday, August 5, 2026

Dirty Water

By Nick Catoggio

Tuesday, August 04, 2026

 

It’s Mystery Week at Boiling Frogs. Yesterday we considered the curious case of Sens. John Cornyn and Thom Tillis, who had nothing to lose by doing the right thing yet refused to do it.

 

Today we take up the even more curious case of the U.S. attorney for the District of Columbia, Jeanine Pirro, who had lots to lose by doing the right thing—yet chose to do it.

 

Pirro reportedly blindsided the president late Friday afternoon when she withdrew her indictment of David Hearn, the man charged earlier this summer with felony vandalism of the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool. The pool’s renovation has been a passion project for Donald Trump and therefore a matter of personal prestige, so when chunks of the “repairs” began floating to the surface in June, someone had to be blamed.

 

And it sure wasn’t going to be him or the crony he hired as a contractor.

 

The indictments of Hearn and three others (on misdemeanor charges) solved that problem. The renovation wasn’t botched, you see; it was left-wing saboteurs, as usual, who had connived to make the president look bad.

 

Pirro’s motion on Friday blew up that narrative, admitting that incompetent repairs plausibly explained the presence of debris in the pool according to information provided by the Department of the Interior. That triggered a dayslong presidential crashout replete with an angry Truth Social post, a phone call between Trump and Pirro that allegedly “wasn’t pretty,” and an ominous visit by the U.S. attorney to the Oval Office on Monday afternoon.

 

Shortly before she arrived, the president derided her to a roomful of reporters. “I was disappointed with Jeanine Pirro!” he complained. “Really disappointed with Jeanne Pirro! She folded like an umbrella! And people get away with things, and it’s a disgrace!”

 

“Instead of going after the people that did it, the judge went after her and went after her department, and I guess she choked,” he said at another point. “I don’t know what the hell happened.” She hasn’t been fired as I write this on Tuesday, but sources told CNN yesterday that it’s “highly likely she’s removed from her job.”

 

For once, I agree with Trump: I don’t know what the hell happened here either.

 

Jeanine Pirro isn’t any random toady. Like Pete Hegseth, she was plucked from the purgatory of Fox News infotainment and handed immense power on the assumption that she would do whatever her longtime friend, the president, asked of her. She was a propagandist’s propagandist in her previous job, remember, using her Fox show to platform some of the most defamatory lies told about alleged cheating in the 2020 presidential election. Trump had every reason to believe that the next time he began peddling some self-serving fiction, like sabotage of his beautiful reflecting pool, his new U.S. attorney in D.C. would be the last person to undercut him.

 

But she did undercut him—in a highly visible controversy in which he’s heavily invested, no less. That seemed about as probable as Hegseth refusing a presidential order to commit war crimes, an all but unthinkable development. Yet here we are.

 

What the hell happened?

 

An ethical non-dilemma.

 

The difference between Hegseth and Pirro is easily explained, you might say. He’s a political appointee who answers to Trump, whereas she, as a prosecutor, serves two masters. She works for the president, sure, but she’s also an officer of the court bound by a professional code of conduct.

 

She couldn’t ethically prosecute Hearn unless she believed in good faith that she could convict him. Once evidence of the botched renovation emerged, that belief disappeared and so the indictment had to disappear with it. Simple as that.

 

To which I would respond: Do you hear yourself right now?

 

If Jeanine Pirro were a stickler about personal ethics, she wouldn’t have spent the winter of 2020-21 seeding conspiracy theories to support a coup plot. And if she were a stickler about legal ethics, she wouldn’t have sought to indict six Democratic members of Congress who pissed off Trump and Hegseth by reminding service members—accurately—that they shouldn’t obey illegal orders.

 

The president appointed her because he believed, and had good reason to believe, that her sense of ethics was weaker than her sense of loyalty to him. That’s why her withdrawing the Hearn indictment felt like a firing offense: Doing the right thing when Trump wanted her to do the wrong thing contradicted the entire premise of putting her in the job.

 

“But if she had proceeded with a baseless case, she might have been sanctioned, disciplined, or disbarred,” one might say to that. Would she? Even if she had disclosed the exculpatory information from the Interior Department to Hearn’s lawyers, as she was constitutionally obliged to do, and left the indictment intact?

 

Had she done that, I assume Hearn would have moved quickly to dismiss the charges and the court would have granted his motion, a perfect ending from Pirro’s standpoint. The right outcome would have been reached, but instead of failing Trump’s loyalty test by withdrawing the indictment, she could have told the president she gave it the ol’ college try. It was those damned liberal judges, not her, who had sided with the “vandals.”

 

I’ll defer to those on the Dispatch staff who are better lawyers than I am (which is every lawyer on the Dispatch staff), but my guess is that Pirro wouldn’t have been disciplined simply for proceeding with a pitifully weak case. The embarrassment of having her indictment tossed likely would have been deemed sufficient.

 

But let’s say I’m wrong about that and she did end up being sanctioned professionally for refusing to withdraw an obviously dubious indictment. So what? Why would she care?

 

Pirro doesn’t need to practice law. She’s 75 years old and, until recently, hadn’t worked as a prosecutor since 2005. Her career pivoted long ago from legal work to the lucrative niche of “television personality,” and later to the very lucrative niche of “right-wing television personality” during the Trump era. In an industry like that, suffering some type of “martyrdom” for defending the president’s corrupt prerogatives too vehemently is a golden ticket.

 

The libs disbarred Jeanine Pirro because she wouldn’t back off the “vandals” who defaced Mr. Trump’s reflecting pool would have been a killer hook for her inevitable return to Fox News. It would have made her a hotter, more highly paid commodity on the right-wing vaudeville circuit than she ever was before, and assuredly more than any other manner of exit from the U.S. attorney’s office would have.

 

So why did she choose the ignominy of ethical behavior over the glory of unethical “martyrdom”? I think it’s because she misunderstood how Trump Cabinet members are expected to proceed when reality contradicts a presidential narrative.

 

Choosing reality.

 

Reading about the Pirro saga this morning, I thought of “Sharpiegate.”

 

Remember that? In September 2019, the president tweeted that Hurricane Dorian was inbound and warned several Southern states to prepare for impact, including Alabama. That surprised locals, who had been told that the storm would miss them. The Birmingham office of the National Weather Service was soon flooded with anxious phone calls and online requests for information, so it tweeted out a clarification: Alabama wouldn’t be affected.

 

But Trump wouldn’t relent. Rather than admit error, he continued to claim for days that Dorian would reach the state, culminating in one of the most embarrassing incidents of either of his presidential terms. Addressing reporters in the Oval Office, he waved around a National Weather Service map of the hurricane’s projected path that showed it stopping short of Alabama … with an extra line hand-drawn with black marker that extended the path to that state. (Hence “Sharpiegate.”)

 

When the president says one thing and reality says something else, it’s the duty of all loyal subordinates to defend his version. And that’s what Trump’s subordinates did in Sharpiegate: Before long, Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross was reportedly threatening to fire top officials at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, the agency that oversees the National Weather Service, for undermining the boss.

 

Sharpiegate was a low-stakes Three Stooges-tier illustration of the authoritarian mind at work. But all of the same elements present in that episode later conspired to produce the near-coup of the “Stop the Steal” period following the 2020 election. Trump had failed in some way that embarrassed him; unable to cope with the embarrassment, he constructed a storyline in which he hadn’t failed at all and became emotionally invested in it; after convincing himself that his version of events was true, he expected all of his allies to adopt it; any deputy who refused was deemed to have failed a supreme loyalty test and terminated.

 

He failed to win the election and to properly identify Hurricane Dorian’s path. In both cases, he concocted an alternate reality in which no such failure happened. And when authorities inside his own administration contradicted him—then-Attorney General Bill Barr in one instance, federal meteorologists in the other—the betrayal was so wounding that heads had to roll.

 

That pattern is repeating in the matter of the reflecting pool. Trump screwed up the renovations, a special humiliation for a former developer. Rather than give his political enemies the satisfaction of conceding that, he latched onto the possibility that saboteurs had caused the damage and, to all appearances, talked himself into believing it. Ever the loyal ally, Jeanine Pirro backed him to the hilt, filing numerous indictments alleging vandalism.

 

And then, last Friday, to his astonishment, she suddenly turned into Bill Barr.

 

I think Pirro assumed that once the information from the Department of the Interior about a botched renovation emerged, Trump would be forced to accept it and would blame that department for the failure of the vandalism prosecutions. That’s why she went to such lengths to identify Interior as the source of the exculpatory material in her motion to withdraw Hearn’s indictment. Doug Burgum’s agency blew this case, Mr. President, not my office.

 

And I understand her instinct. In a movement like Trump’s, the race to scapegoat others before you’re scapegoated is relentless.

 

But that’s not how the president approaches failure, as I’ve explained. When information emerges that contradicts a narrative that’s important to him—even when it comes from within his own administration—a loyal ally is expected to continue to side with his version of events, not to admit what really happened while blaming someone else in the Cabinet for it. Burgum himself understands this perfectly. If Trump says it’s vandalism, it’s vandalism.

 

Pirro was given a choice between what’s actually true and what her boss wants to believe is true, and she thought she could get away with choosing the former if she could prove that some other Trump official revealed the painful truth here. She chose reality. I’m amazed she still has a job.

 

Truth and consequences.

 

On the spectrum of self-serving Trump fantasies that threaten the American experiment, with Sharpiegate at one pole and “Stop the Steal” at the other, I’d place the reflecting pool fiasco somewhere in the middle.

 

There are some Three Stooges aspects to it. Watching a sycophant as foul as Pirro be un-personed after doing the right thing for once is amusing, a lesson to all Trumpers that the only loyalty test that matters is the next one. And if it was pathetic to see the president get spun up about a minor error in a hurricane announcement seven years ago, it’s doubly pathetic to see him invest so much mental energy in a pool now.

 

Maggie Haberman, who’s covered him intently for years for the New York Times, guesstimated recently that 70 percent of his mind is presently occupied by his various renovations around Washington. It’s a legacy thing, she alleged—a way for him to leave an indelible physical mark on America that his critics won’t (easily) be able to erase once he’s gone. When you can’t subdue Iran or reduce the cost of living, you can at least pretty up the Lincoln Memorial.

 

No wonder, then, that the specter of vandalism at the pool has taken root so deeply in his psyche. If he’s now banking on improvements to the landscape as his path to immortality, the thought of saboteurs breaking off pieces of the pool’s new liner will be mortifying in a way that, say, terrorists free-firing at oil tankers in the Strait of Hormuz isn’t.

 

But this episode isn’t all laughs either.

 

Yesterday Pirro’s office quietly dismissed the misdemeanor vandalism charges that were pending against three other people arrested near the reflecting pool—but too late to prevent lasting damage. A lawyer for Justin Carreno, one of the suspects, told CBS News that Carreno lost his job as a government contractor after his arrest and had to move out of his home because he couldn’t make rent after being fired.

 

The Justice Department “literally fabricated a crime,” the lawyer alleged, calling his client’s ordeal “the epitome of the politicization of the criminal justice system.” The good news, I suppose, is that Trump’s new “anti-weaponization” slush fund is alive and well thanks to Cornyn and Tillis, so maybe Carreno can squeeze a few million dollars out of that for his trouble. If I were him, I’d already be scouting around for some less fascist country to relocate to after receiving my check.

 

But the bad news is that, if the president had his way, Carreno would still be caught in the legal snare that’s already ruined his life. And there’s no doubt—zero—that if Pirro and Todd Blanche came to Trump and said, “We believe these people are innocent of vandalism, but we also think we can convict them,” he would have told them to proceed. If others have to suffer for the sake of sparing him from personal embarrassment, he’s fine with that. That’s what January 6 was all about.

 

As it is, in the same way that Sharpiegate presaged “Stop the Steal,” we’re left to wonder which much more horrific national trauma this reflecting-pool debacle will be seen in hindsight to have anticipated. Tick tock.

The Reflecting Pool Is Now a Serious Scandal

By Noah Rothman

Tuesday, August 04, 2026

 

Granular observers can probably distinguish between the left’s objections to this Trump construction project and that. But the layperson — i.e., the majority of any national electorate — probably can’t.

 

The average American knows that Trump’s critics have a lot of problems with his many works. There’s the Rose Garden slab, the ballroom, the proposed victory arch, the gaudy golden statuary, and so on. The average voter probably filed the left’s complaints with the reflecting pool into a voluminous, undifferentiated folder full of things people hate about Trump. That’s also where it would have stayed if the president had an ounce of self-control.

 

If he did, the legitimate but not so salient criticisms of Trump’s no-bid contracting process, the pool’s sudden algae bloom, and its general aesthetic deficiencies would have remained the exclusive province of febrile Jim Acosta YouTube clips. Now, however, the Reflecting Pool has become a serious political scandal.

 

It’s “difficult to attribute the widespread damage to the Reflecting Pool to vandalism, let alone to establish that fact beyond a reasonable doubt,” read a statement from the office of U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia Jeanine Pirro. In fact, the president’s critics were right all along: the pool wasn’t a victim of sabotage but, rather, a “botched installation.”

 

Now they tell us! Too late, however, to prevent innocent people from being prosecuted. Last week, Pirro’s office revealed that it was dropping federal criminal charges against four individuals, only the most famous of whom was a former Olympic canoeist, who were charged without sufficient evidence of a federal crime. They were charged for vandalizing the pool because the president wanted to see someone catch a charge. The average American voter takes notice of that. After all, one could be a victim of those circumstances as easily as anyone else.

 

Perhaps most Americans looked askance at how the Trump administration twisted itself into knots to put James Comey and Letitia James in the dock. If they even took notice of the U.S. attorney who resigned rather than bring politically motivated charges into a courtroom, or of how those cases fell apart after Trump found himself a more pliant attorney, they might have also compartmentalized it all.

 

Sure, that was egregious, the average voter might concede. But James and Comey were in the game. They took their shots at the president, and he took his. But this isn’t anything like that. The four individuals who caught a charge based on the allegation that there was not just significant vandalism but any vandalism of the Reflecting Pool were civilians. They were not players in our political pageant. In all likelihood, their offense was their being in the wrong place at the wrong time — and just when the president needed a scapegoat to spare himself the humiliation of having to admit that his critics were right.

 

Existential dread tends to focus the mind. The average voter might not identify with Comey or James, or with their mutual contempt for proceduralism and, arguably, prosecutorial propriety. By contrast, they are likely to see at least shades of themselves in the nameless pawns whom the federal government viewed as expendable losses in Trump’s failed face-saving maneuver. There but for the grace of God, and all that.

 

This isn’t just a political scandal. It’s a genuine controversy in which elementary good governance hangs in the balance. All and only so that Trump wouldn’t have to admit that the paint really was peeling.

The Anti-Semitic Hounding of Dana Nessel Should Be a Five-Alarm Fire

By Seth Mandel

Monday, August 03, 2026

 

One common response to anti-Semitism is to ask the person exhibiting hatred toward Jews to look at the situation from the perspective of the Jewish target, which might make them more sympathetic toward their victim. But Jews could also learn much from doing the reverse and looking through the anti-Semite’s eyes.

 

Not because anti-Semites have legitimate grievances and not because a Jew should feel responsible for someone’s Jew-hatred. Rather, it would be beneficial to many Jews to understand that we make far more distinctions among and between ourselves than our haters do.

 

Let’s take just one random example of the seemingly endless running list of anti-Semitic acts of note.

 

In the old Jewish quarter of Cordoba, Spain, there is a statue of Maimonides, the 12th-century sage Rabbi Moses ben Maimon. Maimonides was a philosopher, a trained physician, and one of the most important authorities of Jewish law. This weekend, the Maimonides statue was spray-painted with a swastika.

 

How different is this from, say, the anti-Semitic trend of superimposing a swastika over the Star of David on a homemade sign? And how different from those is someone putting a swastika over the Star of David on an Israeli flag?

 

To the anti-Semite, this question is ridiculous: There is no conceptual difference. And on this, the anti-Semite is correct.

 

At elite universities, are Jewish students hiding just their Israeli flags or are they also tucking their Star of David pendants into their shirts?

 

Again, a ridiculous question.

 

It is not treated as ridiculous to those enabling the mainstreaming of anti-Semitism in politics and entertainment and the media, where the anti-Semite’s handiwork is parsed for any excuse to exonerate his intentions.

 

And it is too often treated as a legitimate distinction by American Jews, who are shocked by the anti-Semitism in formerly friendly spaces but feel obliged to let the world know that, first of all, the Israeli government doesn’t represent them.

 

No one who paints swastikas on Jews cares about what the Israeli government does or does not believe.

 

Which brings me to a story that ought to be a five-alarm fire but somehow isn’t.

 

A few days ago, Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel, who is Jewish, held an anti-Semitism roundtable. In the course of that discussion, Nessel revealed her plans to avoid attending the state Democratic Party’s convention, which begins at the end of the month. Nessel said:

 

I don’t feel safe going. I feel like my presence isn’t going to be welcome. I don’t want to get chased around. I don’t want to get harassed. I don’t want to get yelled and screamed at. I don’t want to get booed off the stage, irrespective of what I’m saying. And I believe that if I go, that is what will happen because it’s been happening to me.

 

A top state Jewish Democrat doesn’t feel safe at her party’s convention. Michigan is a very important state, both in Senate elections this year and in presidential years. And the convention is where candidates are finalized.

 

Some background. Nessel, as attorney general, filed charges against several pro-Hamas activists at the University of Michigan for on-campus lawbreaking and getting violent with police who were trying to clear a major fire hazard created by demonstrators. Rep. Rashida Tlaib led a public campaign accusing Nessel of bias toward her fellow Jews. The McCarthyite campaign eventually succeeded in pressuring Nessel to drop the charges after progressives had turned the case into a circus and a referendum on Nessel’s Jewishness.

 

It was among the most un-American spectacles imaginable, and it presaged what happened at the Michigan Democratic endorsement convention in April, when anti-Semitic hecklers and a heavily progressive-activist crowd taunted and shouted down Jewish candidates and those deemed too friendly to Jewish causes.

 

Anybody watching progressive activism over the past couple of years knew exactly what the goal of this display was: to bully Jewish Democratic politicians out of the party’s public gatherings. And now it seems to have worked.

 

The candidate riding this wave of anti-Semitism is Senate hopeful Abdul El-Sayed, who talks almost exclusively about Jewish money on the trail and who campaigns with anti-Semitic figures.

 

Nessel is not alone in her discomfort in organized Democratic Party settings, and even those who plan to attend the convention believe that Nessel’s status as an elected official and a target of anti-Semitic harassment might affect their own calculations were they in her shoes. JTA got the following comment from Halie Soifer, head of the Jewish Democratic Council of America:

 

She’s not alone. We’ve heard from other Jewish Democrats who attended the Democratic Party convention earlier this year in Michigan, and there was a sense of discomfort amid what felt like a pro-Palestinian protest [that] may have even blurred the line for some into antisemitic sentiment — and it’s really concerning.

 

This line of thinking has to stop. Nessel isn’t afraid of “pro-Palestinian protests.” She’s being targeted for harassment because she’s Jewish. That’s it—that’s all that’s happening here. She isn’t showing up to Palestinian events and then getting nervous and leaving. She’s being hounded by anti-Semites. And that’s the distinction that actually matters.

Biden’s $7 Billion Taliban Weapons Tab Is Still Coming Due

By Michaell Baumgartner

Wednesday, August 05, 2026

 

Nearly five years after President Biden’s disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan, American-funded military equipment left behind is making terrorists more lethal across the border in Pakistan.

 

I recently traveled to Islamabad to meet with military boss Field Marshal Asim Munir to discuss the conflicts raging across the region, including more than 1,000 terrorist attacks in Pakistan last year — it’s now more affected by terrorism than any other country in the world is. Joining me on the trip was Representative Ryan Zinke. Neither of us approached the trip with illusions about the challenges of the region. Zinke is a former Navy SEAL Commander. I previously worked as an embedded adviser on an Afghan-government counternarcotics team in Helmand Province and occasionally lectured in the Afghanistan-Pakistan program at the U.S. National Defense University.

 

Field Marshal Munir predicted that Pakistan’s fighting with both terrorists and the Taliban government in Kabul is likely to grow. Last February, a suicide bomber attacked a mosque in Islamabad, killing 31 and wounding more than 200. A few weeks later, Pakistan responded by bombing Kabul in an attack that killed nearly 300. The Field Marshal also made clear his frustration that Pakistani counterterrorism forces are confronting the Pakistani Taliban (TTP) — fighters equipped with American-origin night-vision devices and sophisticated sniper weapons left over from the chaotic Biden pull-out.

 

Congressman Zinke and I both sit on the House Foreign Affairs Committee Foreign Military Sales (FMS) Task Force. The FMS process is mired in red tape that can make partner nations wait years to acquire U.S. weapons systems they’ve already paid for. The consequences are visible in Pakistan: China provided 81 percent of Pakistan’s major arms imports between 2020 and 2024. When America cannot deliver, we drive potential partners toward Russia and China, while weakening our industrial base. During our meetings in Islamabad in July, Munir noted a bitter asymmetry — that he has been unable to purchase U.S. attack helicopters to defend against terrorist forces using U.S. weapons to attack his troops and police.

 

This is not simply an allegation from Islamabad. United Nations monitors have reported that the TTP possesses NATO-caliber weapons obtained in Afghanistan and that its access to night-vision equipment has increased the lethality of attacks on Pakistani border posts.

 

The equipment is part of the dangerous military inheritance of the Afghan collapse. According to the Department of Defense inspector general, $7.12 billion in American-funded military equipment remained in the former Afghan government’s inventory when it fell in 2021. This was principally materiel previously transferred to Afghan security forces; departing American troops removed or destroyed nearly all the major systems they used directly.

 

More than 316,000 weapons, including specialized sniper rifles, remained in Afghanistan, along with approximately 42,000 pieces of specialized equipment, including night-vision, surveillance, biometric, and positioning devices.  The Afghan air force had roughly 40 American-funded UH-60 Black Hawk helicopters, and the Taliban captured and returned several to service. Those aircraft are not being used in the terrorist attacks now confronting Pakistan, but their presence illustrates the extraordinary scale of the military arsenal that the Taliban now control. The condition and precise disposition of this arsenal remain uncertain, but there is now mounting evidence that some of the equipment captured after the collapse has migrated into terrorist hands.

 

During America’s war, the Afghan Taliban exploited sanctuaries in Pakistan to attack Afghanistan. Today, the conflict has partly reversed direction: The TTP operates from sanctuaries in Afghanistan and mounts increasingly lethal attacks inside Pakistan.

 

The TTP and Afghan Taliban are distinct but closely connected organizations. Their relationship operates through the Pashtun belt straddling a permeable border, where tribal, familial, and commercial ties long predate the modern frontier.

 

President Trump’s strong rapport with Munir — they met in person twice last year and speak frequently — creates an opening to broaden cooperation. The United States should negotiate a tailored counterterrorism and security-assistance framework, with Pakistan focused on mutually defined threats, particularly the TTP and ISIS-K. Washington should streamline access to carefully selected night-fighting equipment, intelligence and surveillance support, counter-drone systems, and border-monitoring capabilities. Such cooperation must be mission-specific, rigorously vetted, and subject to strong end-use monitoring. It should be conditioned on measurable Pakistani counterterrorism cooperation and structured to prevent diversion or misuse. It should also be limited to capabilities that do not materially alter the conventional military balance with India.

 

Congress must also confront the underlying equipment problem. The No Equipment Left Behind Act of 2026, for example, would require the Pentagon to prepare for the possibility that a partner government receiving American equipment could collapse, so a debacle like Biden’s Taliban weapons bonanza doesn’t happen again.

 

A more capable TTP threatens more than Pakistan. It strengthens a regional terrorist network in which the TTP, al-Qaeda, ISIS-K, and other groups maintain overlapping networks, compete for recruits, and exploit many of the same ungoverned spaces. Instability along the Afghan-Pakistani border also carries obvious dangers in a nuclear-armed country. Counterterrorism should be the beginning of renewed engagement with Pakistan, not its outer limit.

 

Pakistan’s 250 million people make it the fifth-most populous country in the world. Its relatively young population — about 60 percent of Pakistanis are younger than 30 — means that it will probably grow in economic importance. It’s also home to immense mineral wealth; a high-end estimate of $8 trillion of copper, gold, and critical technology minerals lie in Pakistan’s mountains. In September of last year, the U.S. and Pakistan announced a $500 million mining agreement, the first of its kind between the two nations, although actual production is still likely years away. By comparison, China is already actively mining in Pakistan but doing little value-add processing in the country as it prefers to ship bulk material straight back home. The challenge is that much of the mineral wealth downstream is located in the same border regions undergoing regular terrorist attacks by Baloch militants. So far, there is no evidence that left-behind American-origin weapons have been used in attacks on mineral projects, but this region borders Afghanistan, and if those weapons spread more widely, they could make an already dangerous operating environment even harder to secure.

 

The question is whether Pakistan can establish enough security and stability for American companies to invest, mine, and process minerals there. Surging demand for copper in an increasingly electrified world and critical minerals needed for the AI supercomputing race make Pakistan enticing. Biden’s $7 billion blunder leaving weapons to the Taliban certainly complicates any decision to invest in the region.

 

The central lesson is not just about cleaning up the past administration’s mess. It is that security is a necessary prerequisite of economic engagement. Terrorists may kill people and damage buildings, but their real target is the stability of society and government. America’s Pakistan policy should therefore begin with counterterrorism, but extend to the investments, trade, technology, and mineral partnerships that give both countries a stake in a growing, safe, and prosperous Pakistan.

A Whiff of Greek Tragedy

By Jonah Goldberg

Wednesday, August 05, 2026

 

In January, the New York Times asked President Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.

 

“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”

 

That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of The Odyssey has made Ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.

 

Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that belonged solely to supreme beings.

 

Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.

 

In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.

 

Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.

 

Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.

 

He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals?  (“TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”)

 

And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China—from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?

 

But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolás Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.

 

This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by “Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.

 

King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Zedong, Adolf Hitler, and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.

 

At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.

 

Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proven to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proven much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.

 

But the regime hasn’t—and won’t any time soon—because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, the outrage from Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies, and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight, and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.

 

If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory—giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.

 

Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”