Thursday, December 16, 2021

The March of the New American Leninists

By Kevin D. Williamson

Thursday, December 16, 2021

 

Steve Bannon, the recently indicted Trump sycophant and ex-Breitbart jackass, sometimes describes himself as a “Leninist.” I believe him. And he isn’t alone.

 

For Vladimir Lenin, a revolution required three preconditions: The masses had to be unwilling to accept the status quo, the ruling class had to be unable to enforce the status quo, and, as a result of the first two, there had to be an outbreak of political fervor and activity among the masses. Once these conditions were satisfied, Lenin would be ready to move on to the question of revolutionary instruments, which in his case were war, terror, and executions.

 

(It is worth keeping in mind that Bolsheviks wanted to outlaw capital punishment, and Lenin overruled them: “How can you make a revolution without executions?”)

 

Americans are a little sentimental about revolutions, because we had one of the very few good ones. But the revolutionary family tree gets pretty ugly pretty quickly: The American Revolution helps to inspire the French Revolution, with its purges and terror; the French Revolution provides a model for Lenin and his gang; the Russian Revolution informs the Iranian revolution. The line from the Boston Tea Party to the Iran hostage crisis is not a bold, straight one, but it can be seen, if you want to see it. Revolutions are dangerous, often in ways that are not obvious at the time and become understood only decades later.

 

Lenin, who wrote about the world in terms of capital-H History, was also a practical man. (Hence the terror and the executions.) And so he probably would have understood, as Steve Bannon and others of that ilk (from Bernie Sanders to Eric Zemmour) understand, that there are additional practical considerations.

 

One of those, which we can see emerging in the United States on both sides of the political aisle, involves a question of loyalty. Loyalty is very much on the minds of American political partisans, with each side denouncing the other as “traitors” and “seditionists” and “insurrectionists” and the like. If you are not used to the intellectual compartmentalization required of an American politician, it can be jarring to hear, e.g., Senator Sanders demanding “revolution” at 10 a.m. and denouncing “insurrection” at 10:15 a.m.

 

But the most relevant issue involving loyalty is this: We are in a pre-revolutionary situation because the regime — by which I mean not the Biden administration but the American constitutional order itself and the principal institutions associated with it — is being made to compete for the loyalty of Americans against individual politicians (Donald Trump), particular political organizations and movements (BLM), and less well-defined political tendencies (right-wing identity and left-wing identity). There has always been partisan fanaticism, and there have always been demagogues. When loyalty to a political leader or a political movement supplants loyalty to the regime, the nation grows dangerously close to revolution in proportion to the degree to which such tendencies are general and widespread.

 

When some significant share of citizens feel themselves more closely identified with a particular politician than with the constitutional order per se, then you have the conditions for a coup d’état and a caudillo; when some significant share of citizens feel themselves more closely identified with a party or a movement than with the constitutional order per se, then you have the conditions for a more broad-based revolution. The first gets you an Augusto Pinochet or a Francisco Franco, and the second gets you a Russian Revolution or a French Revolution — both of which eventually produced caudillos of their own, meaning that they ended up in much the same place.

 

As far as the events of January 6 go, the “stolen election” fiction was a moral-permission slip for acting on loyalties (and the social demands associated with such loyalties) that long preceded the 2020 election and will long outlast it. Some of these revolutionists invaded the Capitol, but the more important ones work there. And what they hope to do is to achieve what Lenin wanted: “unrestricted power based on force, not law.” The legal pretexts feverishly dreamt up by such ghoulish amoralists as Rudy Giuliani were exercises in publicity, not exercises in law. The lawyers are the marketing department of the revolution.

 

There are reasons for hope. Donald Trump failed to overturn the 2020 election, and the republican spirit remains alive in such robust institutions as the jury-trial system, as Charles C. W. Cooke notes.

 

This being the United States of America, our revolutionary fervor is driven in some non-trivial part by cynical profit-seeking, with media figures as superficially different but fundamentally identical as the daft galaxy of Fox News and MSNBC pundits feverishly working to convince Americans that our society and our institutions are not in need of reform but are in fact so irredeemably corrupt that they must be overthrown. These arguments are made almost purely for commercial purposes — there isn’t a lot of money to be made from sensible conversations about incremental reform — but their influence extends well beyond the balance sheets of their corporate parents. I used to say, with unwarranted confidence, that the real world isn’t Twitter, and Twitter isn’t the real world. That turns out not to be true.

 

There is plenty of cynicism at work in the media business, but it would be wrong to think that figures such as Tucker Carlson or Rachel Maddow create revolutionary fervor on their own — they are only supplying a preexisting demand in the market. They do not create demand any more than Purdue Pharma or Pornhub do. The ultimate source of the revolutionary fervor is in the people themselves, in the “masses,” as the creaky old Marxists still call them.

 

Lenin would understand our situation. He might even be a little bit proud.

The Public-Health Mafia

By Philip Klein

Thursday, December 16, 2021

 

The public-health community is behaving like the Mafia. They come offering protection. They control the politicians. And they threaten businesses that don’t accede to their demands.

 

Led by boss Anthony Fauci, and comprising many federal, state, and local officials, they have exploited the Covid pandemic to orchestrate a campaign of fear and intimidation to consolidate their power, and they have no plans to give any of it up.

 

The protection racket is based on the conceit that if we simply do as they command, we will vanquish Covid. It started with the now-infamous “15 days to slow the spread” and the effort to “flatten the curve” to prevent hospitals from being overwhelmed. This quickly turned into six weeks and then months of rolling lockdowns and, in some areas, more than a year of closed schools.

 

Vaccines, they assured us, were to be the end point of the pandemic. But a year after they became available, and eight months after they have been widely available, the medical Cosa Nostra still insist that people who are fully vaccinated — and boosted — need to wear masks in public (even though they initially convinced people that masks were ineffective).

 

When the policies that they propose do not produce the promised results, and as one variant after another surfaces, the response is to argue that we have shown insufficient respect to them and that we need to make amends by being more loyal to their guidance.

 

It is not only the public to whom the public-health mafia offers protection but also politicians. Any politician who defies the orders of the public-health community can expect blistering media coverage whenever there is a surge in cases, as has been the case with Florida governor Ron DeSantis. Politicians who follow public-health guidance might not be protecting their constituents from the virus, but they are protecting themselves from getting blamed, as with New York governor Kathy Hochul, by operating with the imprimatur of the family. Recall how it was common to blame Donald Trump for the hundreds of thousands of Covid deaths on his watch. But President Biden, who has deferred to health officials, is spared any blame, despite the fact that more people have died of Covid under Biden.

 

“His two big promises were to get Covid behind us and to get rid of Donald Trump,” NBC’s Chuck Todd said on Sunday. “Covid’s not behind us, and Donald Trump’s still lurking. It’s not his fault, but is that why we’re in this no-man’s land here for him?”

 

And herein lies the essence of the control over political leaders. The current Covid surge, while openly reported on, isn’t being framed as Biden’s fault, because he has agreed to defer to the experts. He is granted protection, and any blame for the persistence of Covid is targeted at those who are challenging his mandates.

 

To be clear, it is perfectly appropriate for public-health officials to present the best and most up-to-date evidence to decision-makers and advise them on what they believe to be the best course of action to fight the spread of infectious diseases. But it is the role of elected leaders to weigh any such advice against other priorities.

 

Unfortunately, too many leaders have uncritically ceded authority to public-health officials, myopically focusing on reducing Covid spread over all other priorities — including economic well-being, religious observance, social interaction, and the education and mental health of children (who face virtually no threat from the virus). And they continue to do so — even though following the advice of these so-called experts has not shut down the virus.

 

This week, New York’s Hochul, citing the health commissioner, implemented a more severe statewide mask mandate, attributing it to a post-Thanksgiving surge despite the state’s 82 percent adult vaccination rate. Under the new rules, all offices, restaurants, stores, and businesses of any kind will be required to confirm vaccination status for all or force everybody to wear masks. Hochul’s policy calls for masking two-year-olds and requiring proof of at least one dose starting at age five.

 

Failure to comply carries steep fines for businesses. But beyond the fines, there is a further threat that is left unsaid. That is, political leaders, egged on by health officials, already showed that they could shut down businesses with the stroke of their pens. The press release announcing the new mandate claimed it was to “prevent business disruption.” All new mandates carry an underlying whiff of “Nice business there; shame if something were to happen to it.”

 

While some, frustrated by the never-ending Covid restrictions, have rallied around the cry to “Fire Fauci,” the reality is that doing so would not make much of a difference. If history has taught us anything, it’s that if one boss gets taken down, another will pop up in his place.

 

What needs to change is that elected leaders have to learn to stand up to the public-health mob.

 

Last week, another Democratic governor, Colorado’s Jared Polis, provided a better example.

 

“The emergency is over,” he said. “You know, public-health [officials] don’t get to tell people what to wear; that’s just not their job. Public-health [officials] would say to always wear a mask because it decreases flu and decreases [other airborne illnesses]. But that’s not something that you require; you don’t tell people what to wear.”

 

It’s time for more leaders to break up this public-health mafia.

Wednesday, December 15, 2021

There Is No Reason for Anyone Else to Pay Your Student-Loan Debt

By Charles C. W. Cooke

Tuesday, December 14, 2021

 

The strangest thing happened to a friend of mine on the night of his 18th birthday. There he was, lying in bed after an evening of celebration and revelry, when, all of a sudden, a strong and insistent man broke in through the window of his apartment, kidnapped him, and forced him to take out $70,000 in student loans. Alarmingly, the saga didn’t end there. Despite my friend’s urgent protestations, this man personally escorted him to his college matriculation, sat with him while he chose his classes, and then spent four years ensuring that he not only attended them, but benefited from them as much as was practically possible. And here’s the worst part: Despite having put my friend through this rotten ordeal, this dastardly man has steadfastly refused to transfer responsibility for the loans to the good ol’ American taxpayer. Can you believe it?

 

I joke, of course. But I’m afraid that this is how the people who demand that the “federal government” must pay off their student debts are beginning to sound to the average American: as spoiled, selfish, delusional, buck-passing grifters, who spend their days searching for reasons to balance their budgets on the backs of the less fortunate. “Cancel my debts!” they shout. And the rest of us ask, “Er, why?”

 

The core problem the loan-forgiveness advocates have is that their cause is motivated by nothing more noble than a desire to have more money. The movement’s more skilled supporters attempt to abstract this away a little, naturally — “If I didn’t have to pay my loans,” they say, “I’d have more money to spend on consumer products, which would have a beneficial macroeconomic effect”; “If I didn’t have to repay my loans, I could get on the property ladder”; “If I didn’t have my loans to pay, I would be less anxious about money” — but, as is abundantly obvious to everyone on the outside, these are ultimately just different ways of saying the same thing: “I would like to have more cash.”

 

Anyone can do this. If I didn’t have to pay my mortgage, I’d have more money to spend on consumer products, which would have a beneficial macroeconomic effect. Ipso facto, the federal government should pay my mortgage. If my plumber didn’t have to make the payments on the F-150 he uses to transport his equipment, he would be more readily able to buy a home. Ipso facto, the federal government should pay off his truck.

 

“Ah,” cry the loan-forgivers, “But that’s different!” Is it, though? Why? It seems pretty simple to me. I benefit from my home; I should pay it off. The plumber benefits from his truck; he should pay it off. Students benefit from college; they should pay it off. “Yes,” comes the response. “But taking out loans is the only way to pay for college, which is so expensive!” Okay, and the same is true of housing and of cars. “But education is a human right!” Well, even if we accept that, by that way of thinking, so are housing and transportation. “But college is less affordable than it used to be, thanks to an unholy combination of federal subsidies and strict controls on supply!” May I introduce you to the real-estate market? “But my going to college is good for everyone!” No, it’s really, really not.

 

Recently, Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez griped about her own loans. “I’m 32 years old now,” she said. “I have over $17,000 in student-loan debt, and I didn’t go to graduate school because I knew that getting another degree would drown me in debt that I would never be able to surpass. This is unacceptable.” Why? Which part of this, exactly, is “unacceptable”? Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez has debts because Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez took on debts in order to pay for the education that she received — an education that has landed her a plum job in Congress. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez doesn’t have more debt than she would have had if she’d borrowed more than she did, because, aware of the tradeoffs, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez demurred. I cannot see the problem. Are we really supposed to believe that Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s having some more letters next to her name would be of such extraordinary benefit to the nation at large that the rest of us should gratefully pony up and pay for it? Give me a break.

 

If there is anything “unacceptable” about Ocasio-Cortez’s situation, it is that she seems genuinely to believe that she is a victim. As a member of Congress, Ocasio-Cortez makes $175,000 per year, and as has been widely reported, she is doing sufficiently well to have bought herself a Tesla. And good for her! In all sincerity, I wish her great riches and happiness. But that she would even consider asking for help in repaying the $17,000 worth of debt from which she’s already benefited considerably? That is obscene.

 

Just pay your bills, slackers. Everyone else has to.

Gone Too Far

By Michael Brendan Dougherty

Wednesday, December 15, 2021

 

As cable television broadcast the scenes of Trump supporters breaking past police lines and even smashing their way into the Capitol on January 6, the president’s son, Donald Trump Jr., texted Mark Meadows, the White House chief of staff: “He’s got to condemn this sh** ASAP. The Capitol Police tweet is not enough.”

 

A little later, Don Jr. texted again: “We need an Oval office address. He [then-president Trump] has to lead now. It has gone too far and gotten out of hand.”

 

It’s that last statement that reveals the whole truth of January 6 for Trump’s supporters. Donald Trump’s claims of massive election fraud (only in the states he lost, btw) were treated by people around him as a kind of naughty habit that had to be tolerated or indulged. When the people who treated these claims very seriously started acting like they were true — when they tried to “Stop the Steal” by interrupting the ceremony in which Congress certifies the results of the presidential election — then it had “gone too far and gotten out of hand.”

 

For those few hours, several people in the conservative media world who had influence with the president tried to intervene on behalf of reality. “Please, get him on TV — [the Capitol riot is] destroying everything you accomplished,” Brian Kilmeade texted Meadows.

 

Also Laura Ingraham: “The president needs to tell people in the Capitol to go home. This is hurting all of us. He is destroying his legacy.”

 

“Can he make a statement, ask people to leave the Capitol?” pleaded Sean Hannity.

 

Just as Tucker Carlson had once traveled to Mar-a-Lago to ask the president to take the Covid-19 pandemic more seriously, these Fox hosts were intervening with a man who they knew took television seriously, more seriously than his constitutional duties.

 

Hearing the texts read aloud at this late date in the year does provide a sense of clarity. Many of Trump’s lies before this seemed to have little cost at all. Many of them had been brazened out until they produced a kind of success. The lies that Trump told that day to that crowd had produced this specific, televised disaster. Unfortunately, it was a predicted disaster. But almost everyone knew it was wrong while it was happening. It took effort to forget.

 

In the months after January 6, the politically correct move for Trump’s cable-news apologists has been to ignore the fact that the people who set about “investigating” the supposed vote fraud have turned up nothing of consequence or merit. Or, it has been to focus obsessively on the potential involvement of the FBI or other intel agencies in the riots, to speculate about who may have been planted as agent provocateurs in the crowd. This is worth inquiring about, especially after the FBI’s cack-handed work trying to instigate a kidnapping plot against Governor Whitmer went south.

 

But the riot at the Capitol happened because President Donald Trump simply lied, and lied, and lied. On that very day he lied about what the vice president’s powers were. “All Vice President Pence has to do is send it back to the states to recertify, and we become president, and you are the happiest people,” he told the crowd.

 

Presidents have a duty to protect the Constitution; on that day Trump was subverting it. Even as the ugly scenes were unfolding, Trump seemed to be instigating the crowd even further, as if he were trying to put more coercive pressure on his own vice president. He tweeted:

 

Mike Pence didn’t have the courage to do what should have been done to protect our Country and our Constitution, giving States a chance to certify a corrected set of facts, not the fraudulent or inaccurate ones which they were asked to previously certify. USA demands the truth!

 

There is a kind of partisan kick-reflex that is surely active in many people reading this. The reflex kicks: The Left is at war with the Right. It kicks again: Stop punching to your right. It kicks again: Stop trying to police the Right and stop trying to make it respectable to the Left.

 

But it’s not them I care about. It’s simply the truth. Treating Trump like a baby whose feelings had to be coddled at the end resulted in Ashli Babbitt’s getting shot as she tried to break into Congress against a lawful order to desist. He could no more Stop the Steal than make Mexico pay for the wall. But, pay for his actions? Some people did.

One of These Riots Is Not Like the Other

By Kevin D. Williamson

Wednesday, December 15, 2021

 

Why make such a big deal about January 6?

 

Sean Hannity, radio host and off-the-books Donald Trump adviser, demands to know. After all, Hannity points out, there have been scores of riots, some of them deadly, over the past couple of years. Why fixate on that one?

 

Sean Hannity apparently believes that he has the dumbest audience in America.

 

The sacking of the Capitol on January 6 by a gang of enraged Trump acolytes acting on the president’s complaint that the election had been stolen from him is different from other riots because of its particular political character. Stealing Nikes is one thing, and stealing the presidency is another. Hannity knows this. Most of you know this.

 

But, apparently, some people need to have it explained to them.

 

Consider: There were 21,570 homicides in the United States in 2020. If one of the victims had been the president of the United States, we would have made a pretty big deal about it. It would have been on the news. There might have been congressional hearings. Why? If we take Sean Hannity’s view, then we should treat such a murder as one murder among the thousands of murders the United States sees in a typical year.

 

But, of course, we do not treat the murders of political leaders that way. We even have a special word for such murders — assassination — because they are different from your average Saturday-night recreational shoot-’em-up in Chicago.

 

Likewise, nobody would care about Hunter Biden’s shenanigans if his father were the president of an office-supply company instead of the president of the United States.

 

We care especially about the killings of political leaders not because these men and women are special people whose lives are valuable in a special way. I am sure Abraham Lincoln’s family mourned him in much the same way as any other murder victim’s family would — but the nation was convulsed because of the political consequences of the assassination.

 

Even Sean Hannity knows this is a problem. That is why he — along with fellow Fox News hosts Laura Ingraham and Brian Kilmeade — texted Trump’s chief of staff to ask the president to try to put a stop to the riot. It is strange that these people, who today insist that Trump had nothing to do with the violent events in question, believed at the time that he was in a position to stop them.

 

(Incidentally, isn’t it at least a little improper for hosts on a so-called news network to be acting in such an advisory capacity? Didn’t CNN dump Chris Cuomo for precisely that — advising the New York governor?)

 

What has been clear to some of us for a long time — and what is becoming more difficult to deny every day — is that the events of January 6 were part of an attempted coup d’état, one that proceeded on two fronts: As the rioters occupied the Capitol and disrupted the process of certifying the Electoral College votes, Trump’s legal minions sought madly for some pretext upon which to nullify the election. Meanwhile, Trump allies occupying several points on the far-right tail of the bell curve of glue-sniffing madness hatched all kinds of supplementary schemes, some of them involving the military.

 

A riot that is part of a coup d’état is not very much like a riot that is part of a coup de Target.

 

It is true that some of the disorder of the past few years has had a distinctly political — revolutionary — character. The CHOP/CHAZ episode in Seattle is one example. But planting your flag on a Seattle sidewalk is a very different thing from having the president of the United States and his official allies make a serious effort at an autocoup — an effort that is, we should very much keep in mind, ongoing, with Trump-aligned Republicans working to take over election-management offices and to continue their effort to delegitimize the 2020 election through lies and conspiracy kookery.

 

There is a place in the jails and prisons of California, Washington, and Illinois for the criminals who rioted and looted in their cities, burning businesses and carrying out all manner of havoc. And there is a place in Florence, Colo., for the people who tried to overthrow the government of the United States on January 6.

 

I am ecumenical enough that I hope to see justice done in both cases.

Limited Government Is Back in Fashion. Can Republicans Make the Most of It?

By Noah Rothman

Monday, December 13, 2021

 

In 2019, First Things magazine published an open letter that captured a dominant sentiment on the American right. “Against the Dead Consensus” sought to bury the “warmed-over Reaganism” that passed for conservative thought and policy in favor of something more muscular. That something was and remains elusive, but what the letter rejected was plainly specific: the “fetishizing” of “individual autonomy.”

 

Thus, the American right joined the left in the race to get ahead of what seemed like an emerging bipartisan sentiment in favor of activist government. As New York magazine’s Jonathan Chait noted, forces were at work that would “eventually render abstract appeals to small-government conservatism obsolete.” More and more voters were tempted by the promise of an expansive, overweening public sector that imposed itself on American lives—even if they disagreed on the forms that imposition should take. The era of big government was back, and it was here to stay.

 

What a difference a pandemic makes.

 

We’re now closing in on the start of the third year of the global coronavirus outbreak and, with it, the continuation of all the extraordinary interventions into private life that are starting to feel terrifyingly normal. Couple that with unified control of government in the hands of a party that is perfectly willing to use the crisis to advance its long-sought but entirely unrelated policy objectives, and you have a recipe for a political backlash. At least, that’s what the polling suggests.

 

Gallup’s polling in 2019, which had indicated to Chait that an irreversible shift against limited governance was underway, has already reversed itself. In that year, only 41 percent of adults said the government was “trying to do too many things” while 54 percent said the public sector “should do more to solve problems.” Today, the tally has flipped to a more historically familiar form; 52 percent of Americans say government is doing too much while just 43 percent disagree. A complimentary ABC News/Washington Post poll published last month found that six-in-ten Americans are concerned that Joe Biden is doing too much to increase the size and role of government—a figure that includes roughly 30 percent of Democrats, 60 percent of independents, and nearly all Republicans.

 

At the moment, these voters are woefully underserved by both major political parties. The American political establishment has abandoned the “dead consensus” around limited government at a time when that political orientation is desperately needed and sorely missed.

 

Today, checks on overreach at the federal or state level are largely left to the courts to mete out. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, which interpreted its Trump-era congressional mandates so broadly that it thought it could abrogate the rights of property owners, was tossed aside by the federal bench. If the Supreme Court follows the precedents established in lower courts, the Biden administration’s vaccine mandates for federal workers and medium- to large-sized employers will meet the same fate.

 

Judges have compelled the chief executive to enforce the laws he doesn’t like and to pare back his attempts to legislate from behind the Resolute Desk. Judicial efforts to save liberty from the designs of imperious politicians have been even more vigorous at the state level—a condition that led Vox’s Ian Millhiser to mourn the ways in which the judiciary is “destroying America’s ability to fight pandemics.” This crucial impediment to the ambitions of heedless politicians cannot survive if American political culture does not support it. It’s fortunate that polling suggests voters do still believe in limited government, even if their representatives don’t.

 

Meanwhile, if the voting public sought to send a message to the activists in American government last November, the message was not received. The schools are still closing—ostensibly to protect the least vulnerable demographic from the ravages of COVID, but also to preserve “mental health” and promote “kindness, community, and connection,” largely in service to the demands of public-sector unions. The country’s most panicky governors are still imposing onerous burdens on employers to stem the tide of a pandemic that can now be mitigated by highly effective vaccines and antiviral therapies.

 

The federal government is still desperately trying to tack several trillion dollars onto the national tab. That ambitious agenda includes provisions that would require banks to provide the IRS with data on accounts that receive more than $10,000 per year in deposits outside wages and tips. It would seek to block the provision of grants to child-care providers that are primarily houses of worship or that provide sectarian education—essentially, an effort to starve religious institutions and force them out of the childcare business. Its own advocates promote this legislation as a means by which the government may, at long last, establish a cradle-to-grave welfare state. If ever there was a time for small-government conservatives to stand athwart history, it is now.

 

But some are still in thrall to the shadows that danced across the wall during the Trump years. Sen. Marco Rubio has sought to bridle national conservatism with the aim of riding it back into political relevance. The American Conservative’s Declan Leary highlights yet another speech in service to the senator’s ambitions, describing Rubio’s newfound philosophy as one that “acknowledges that what the 21st Century requires is not an immediate and reflexive conservatism.” Rather, it necessitates “a robust and ambitious activism to rebuild the kind of social-economic order that invites and deserves defense.”

 

In other words, no one is willing to defend the old conservatism anymore. No one cares for modesty, liberty, the entrepreneurial spirt, and the free markets in which it can thrive. Voters don’t seem to agree. They are no longer inclined to reward activism in government, and they’re not making the same careful distinctions between right and left activism the solipsists on the nationalist right prefer.

 

As the Wall Street Journal’s Elliot Kaufman astutely observed, if those on the right rediscovered the virtues of status quo ante conservatism, it would not be because they are a thoughtless lot tethered to “ossified Reaganism.” It would be a logical response to the demands of the electorate amid a spasm of “restrictions on personal liberty.” America needs conservatism; the boring old sort that isn’t revolutionary but preserves that which needs preserving. If trends continue, first principles may win out over First Things, but not if Republicans don’t give voters that option.

Tuesday, December 14, 2021

The American State Cult

By Kevin D. Williamson

Tuesday, December 14, 2021

 

Conservatives used to say: “America is a Christian nation.” Everybody knows what they meant by that, even if many people pretended not to understand. We are not a country with a national church or a national faith. We are — or were — a “Christian nation” in the sense that the United States grew out of a Christian civilization and found its political basis in Anglo-Protestant liberalism. The Founding Fathers and the influential men of the Founding generation were — like almost everybody else in the colonial era — almost exclusively Protestant Christians, albeit Protestant Christians of varying degrees of orthodoxy and observance. Thomas Jefferson’s religious eccentricities are well-known, and George Washington, a parish vestryman, rarely entered a church once his public career no longer required it of him. Back when the states had established churches, there was never any practical possibility that any of them would have been anything other than Christian. None of this necessarily argues that Christianity should have some special place in American political life beyond the predominance that comes naturally to a religion that still speaks, at least notionally, for two out of three American adults. In that sense, to say that America is a Christian nation should be no more controversial than to say that France is a European nation. Japan is Japanese, even though not everyone who lives in Japan is ethnically Japanese, of Japanese origin, born in Japan, or even a Japanese citizen.

 

But even though 65 percent of U.S. adults identify themselves as Christian, I am no longer convinced that Christianity is the dominant religious faith of the United States. What most of us profess may be Christianity, but what Americans corporately practice is an imperial cult, a religion that puts the state and its officers at the center not only of national political life but national moral and spiritual life. I do not know many Americans, including very devout Christians, who are losing any sleep about the filioque or transubstantiation, and nobody who is much interested in dispensationalism other than those with a professional interest in the subject.

 

But there are millions of Americans, tens of millions and maybe more than 100 million, who grieve, lament, and despair when they believe that the wrong man has become president of these United States. Just at the moment, many of those many grieving millions are people who believe themselves to be devout Christians. You’d think that these Bible-reading people would know a golden calf when they see one.

 

Here is an example of the sort of thing I am talking about, from Dr. Mehmet Oz, the celebrity physician who is going to run for a Senate seat from Pennsylvania, a state with which he has only the lightest of connections. The good doctor spells out his political agenda thus: “I’m here to promise you one thing: I am going to help reignite the divine spark inside every American and empower us to live better lives.”

 

Set aside the comical notion of this ridiculous dork taking over for Pat Toomey — what in hell does that gibberish even hope to mean?

 

Dr. Oz is a fairly interesting figure on the religion front. He is a Muslim of Turkish background, and served in the Turkish army. There was a split in his family between the more traditionalist Islam practiced on his father’s side and the more secular attitude of his mother’s family. He married into a family of Swedenborgians — more on them in a second — and his mother-in-law is a minister in a Swedenborgian sect. When Dr. Oz decided to run for the Pennsylvania seat, he needed an address in Pennsylvania, and the one he chose is in the town of Bryn Athyn, which is the center of  the Swedenborgian church. That is probably a matter of pure convenience — Dr. Oz’s address in Pennsylvania is his in-laws’ home — but his association with the Swedenborgian church (or cult, as many Christians would have it) is more than a matter of convenience. He has spoken in interviews about his embrace of Swedenborgian beliefs and his incorporation of what he describes as a Swedenborgian approach to patient relations in his medical practice.

 

The main contemporary organ of Swedenborgianism is the Bryn Athyn–based General Church of the New Jerusalem, which operates Bryn Athyn College. (Bryn is Welsh for “hill,” as in nearby Bryn Mawr.) Emmanuel Swedenborg (1688–1772) was a mystic who claimed to have special revelations and a unique personal commission from Jesus Christ to reform Christian doctrine. He published an influential book called Heaven and Hell (which is not just a great Ronnie James Dio song!) in 1758. The Swedenborgian churches established in the United States (the General Church of the New Jerusalem is an offshoot from an earlier sect) were part of that great 19th-century burst of religious entrepreneurialism in the United States, which gave us everything from Mormons to Christian Scientists, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Adventists, Disciples of Christ/Church of Christ, and the Southern Baptist Convention. (The late-18th-century split of the Methodists from the Church of England was a portent of this effervescence.) The spirit of capitalism was very much at work in the church-planting sector in those years. The United States is still probably the best place in the world to start a technology company or a cult.

 

(The word cult, as Cultish author Amanda Montell reminds us, comes with heavy emotional baggage and no generally agreed-upon definition. I don’t intend to use it here in a derogatory way. There’s an old joke that a religion is a cult plus time and money. I’m sure the Swedenborgians are very nice people. Similarly, I can’t see joining the Mormon church, but I want to have Mormon neighbors.)

 

Why did Americans start all those churches? The New World was vast beyond the comprehension of the first pilgrims who landed in New England, and Americans were very far removed from Canterbury — to say nothing of Rome or Jerusalem. As waves of revivalism and awakenings convulsed North America beginning in the early 18th century, it was only natural that believers would start looking for local seats of power and meaning — the First Great Awakening was arguably the first truly “national” experience of the American colonies and an important factor leading to the American Revolution. Here, we can blame the Puritans, at least a little bit: By rejecting church hierarchy and episcopal authority, insisting upon the ability of every properly educated believer to interpret Scripture for himself, they created cultural conditions that almost guaranteed the kind of religious innovation — the start-up mentality — that would lead to the vast multiplication of what they would have recoiled from in horror as heresies. This is deeply embedded in American culture: Our first public-education law, which bears the splendid name of the Old Deluder Satan Act, was written with a mind toward educating Christians up to a level that would allow them to engage directly with Scripture, thereby (the thinking went) giving them an intellectual inoculation against European popery and Anglican crypto-popery. The Puritan enthusiasm for Hebrew came from the same source — not, alas, from any particular tender feeling toward Jews, and Puritan clergy were educated in Greek, where possible, for the same reason.

 

Armed with literacy and a smattering of theology, looking upon the vastness of America, culturally alienated and physically distant from the institutions of British and European Christianity, Americans looked for spiritual anchors. And unlike their British and European cousins, those Americans did not have monarchies and other ancient institutions to which they might cling. Having ceased to think of themselves as essentially British, they were not part of an ancient nation with a deep foundation in blood and soil. Americans are a particular people — much more so than we often appreciate — but they are not a particular people defined by a shared ethnic history, which is why a Korean can become American but an American cannot become Korean, even if he moves to Korea, speaks Korean, takes Korean citizenship, etc. A big piece of our national identity is a set of generally shared political beliefs (incorporating a religious premise: that men are endowed with their unalienable rights not by the state but by God) and political documents (the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence) which have for us a totemic character as well as legal and political significance.

 

And so, from the very beginning, we were in a peculiar position: that of a nation founded in religious ferment but having political documents and a shared political faith as central elements in our national character. France is on its Fifth Republic, there was an England long before there existed what we now call the United Kingdom, there was an Italian nation long before there was an Italian state, the Chinese people have had many different forms of governmental organization, etc., but the United States isn’t really the United States without the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. Politics in the United States is culture war — inevitably.

 

Depending on how you count, the United States has either a few hundred or several thousand Christian denominations — and there are millions of self-professed American Christians who are associated with no particular church, practicing their own eccentric choose-your-own-adventure models of Christianity, and, beyond there, is the one-third of Americans profess either some other religion or no religion. What that means (among other things) is that Americans looking for a national basis of spiritual and ceremonial life cannot find one in any particular religious mode except one: the imperial cult. Of course, we don’t call our state cult that (or even generally acknowledge the imperialistic and sacramental qualities of the state), and we don’t acknowledge it directly the way the Romans do or even indirectly the way the English do by making their monarch the head of their national church. (National churches are always and everywhere in the Christian world the spiritual wreckage of earlier efforts to reconstitute pagan imperial cults.) But if you doubt that we have a genuine state cult, ask yourself how it is that a man running for a Senate seat from Pennsylvania can launch his campaign by promising to “reignite the divine spark” without getting laughed across the river back to Delaware?

 

Instead of laughing at this sort of thing, it is precisely what Americans expect of Senate candidates, House candidates, gubernatorial candidates, and, above all, would-be presidents. Joel Osteen and David Remnick both have written about the “Joshua Generation”; Osteen’s sermon was about Christian devotion, while the Reverend Remnick’s New Yorker homily was about Barack Obama.

 

Every presidential candidate has, for years, promised that his election would lead to a national spiritual revival. Sometimes, the restorationist thinking it put into obvious language (“Make America Great Again”) and sometimes it is part of an explicitly messianic campaign (looking at you, Barack Obama), but it is an element even of the campaigns of such modest republicans as the late Bob Dole, who, no less than Barack Obama or Donald Trump, sought moral histrionics from the American people, demanding “Where’s the outrage?” and offering himself as the necessary instrument (and personification) of their righteous wrath.

 

 

(This is not a slight to Bob Dole: The debased Republican Party of 2021 would have to hike up a very steep and difficult hill to look him in the eye. Bob Dole may have ended his days selling credit cards and erection pills, but next to Lindsey Graham he looks like Abraham Lincoln.)

 

My friend and colleague Jay Nordlinger, reading Dr. Oz’s “divine spark” nonsense, did a very fine job suppressing an eye-roll that no doubt would have seemed like a bit much if Linda Blair had done it in The Exorcist. “Isn’t anyone willing to balance the budget?” he asked.

 

The difference between a Republican who says that he is the Second Coming of Jesus Christ and a Republican who says that he’s going to balance the budget is that somebody might believe the first guy.

 

A nation that looks to its politicians to provide spiritual nourishment needs that nourishment badly — and it is going to starve.

 

It is also going to face endless political disappointment and misgovernment. It is important to bring the right tool to the job: Bananas are great, but you can’t hammer in a nail with one.