By Charlotte Lawson
Tuesday, October 31, 2023
A lynch mob overran
an airport in Russia’s southern Dagestan region on Sunday, chanting
“Allahu Akbar” and searching for Jewish passengers on an inbound flight from
Israel. The attack injured at least 20 people (two critically) and came a day
after similar
scenes outside a nearby hotel rumored to be “full of Jews.”
The Russian riots became the latest examples of
antisemitic violence since the October 7 terrorist attack on Israel killed more
than 1,400 people.
Once considered a safe haven for Jewish refugees fleeing
persecution, the U.S. is now confronting its own rising tide of antisemitic
violence. The number of antisemitic incidents in America—a metric that includes
reported incidents of vandalism, harassment, and assault targeting Jews—rose to
312 since Hamas’ massacre from 64 in the same period last year, the
Anti-Defamation League reported last
week. And Western Europe has experienced similar surges amid massive
pro-Palestinian demonstrations. In London, where thousands have taken to the
streets to call
for “intifada,” authorities recorded 218
antisemitic hate crimes from October 1 to October 18 compared with 15 in the
same period last year.
The demonstrations and antisemitic incidents underscore
the increasingly blurred lines between people who claim to oppose the actions
of the Israeli government, those who call for death and destruction to befall
Jews in general, and the latest, potentially lethal strain of antisemitism
taking hold in liberal-minded countries: anti-Zionism—a movement that rejects
the state of Israel’s right to exist.
Hamas’ opening salvo wasn’t an attack on a state: It was
an attack on a people. After overrunning military bases in southern Israel,
Gazan terrorists turned their sights on the civilian population, committing
atrocities that—had they not been recorded by
the perpetrators themselves and later
verified by forensic teams—might be too horrific to comprehend. In one
video, terrorists shoot an already-deceased Israeli civilian at point blank
range. In another, an attacker opens fire into a family’s living room.
As more forensic evidence is uncovered in the monstrous
and ongoing
task of the recovering corpses, new disturbing details emerge by the
day. The attackers tortured and murdered
infants, committed
rape as a weapon of war, and abducted
hundreds—all hallmarks of a genocidal campaign.
“Barbarism and burning and beheading, rape and murder,
the bludgeoning of babies, of whole families in their homes,” Michal
Cotler-Wunsh, Israel’s special envoy for combating antisemitism, said in an
interview with The Dispatch. “Atrocities too terrible to imagine,
but not too terrible to have happened.”
“It’s so horrific,” she added, “and what’s not less
horrific is days—not years, not decades—days after these atrocities, these war
crimes, these crimes against humanity are denied, are justified, are excused,
are celebrated.”
Outside of the famous Sydney opera house just two days
after the initial massacre, pro-Palestinian demonstrators chanted “gas
the Jews.” Elsewhere, protesters have been less graphic but no less explicit in
their calls for antisemitic violence, using anti-Zionism to support the ethnic
cleansing of Jews and Israelis. One popular rallying cry, “from
the river to the sea, Palestine will be free,” demands the creation of a
Palestinian state within Israel’s current borders.
With the violent rhetoric come threats of literal
violence. Over the weekend, an ultra-Orthodox news site advised Jews
in New York City’s predominantly Orthodox neighborhood of Crown Heights to stay
home to avoid running into a pro-Palestininan march on Saturday afternoon.
Jewish community centers, schools, and synagogues across the world have been
forced to bolster their security since
October 7. At least 20
Jewish schools in Paris were evacuated Monday due to bomb
threats.
College campuses across the U.S. have experienced their
own waves of antisemitism masquerading as anti-Zionism, as students and faculty
couch their opposition to Israel and its inhabitants in academic language. In
an open
letter condemning the backlash against students defending Hamas’
attack, Columbia University and Barnard College faculty members doubled down
Monday, describing the torture and slaughter of civilians as a “military
response by a people who had endured crushing and unrelenting state violence
from an occupying power over many years.” (Israel hasn’t occupied the Hamas-run
Gaza Strip since 2005.)
Other academics have openly celebrated the attacks. One
Cornell University professor is now on a leave
of absence after he hailed October 7 as “exhilarating” and
“energizing.” “Hamas has shifted the balance of power,” he said before a crowd
of students. “Hamas has punctured the illusion of its invincibility.”
But the scholarly framing didn’t stop the rant from
reaching the same logical conclusion as other inciting speech: literal violence
against Jews. The Cornell University Department arranged
security for Jewish students after graphic antisemitic threats surfaced
online over the weekend, including calls to rape Jewish women and
behead Jewish babies—invocations of the Hamas attack in Israel. The incident
followed the appearance of graffiti
stating “Israel is fascist,” “Zionism = genocide” and “F— Israel” on
campus four days prior.
At Tulane, where Jewish students make up some 50
percent of the undergraduate population, pro-Palestinian protests
erupted into violent clashes after demonstrators—many of whom Tulane President
Michael Fitts said were not
affiliated with the school—yelled antisemitic slurs and tried to light
an Israeli flag on fire. And at Cooper Union, a private college in Manhattan,
library staff decided to barricade
Jewish students in the building as a mob of demonstrators pounded on
the door yelling “Free Palestine” last week.
Despite purporting to defend Palestinians affected by
Israel’s war against Hamas, the wave of antisemitic hate sweeping the U.S. has
“nothing to do with Palestinian rights or peace—the opposite,” Cotler-Wunsh
argued. “Anybody who cares for Palestinians would now be absolutely extricating
the Palestinians from Hamas—a genocidal terror proxy of a genocidal terror
regime in Iran that has no value for human life. False moral equivalence
empowers terror.”
The Biden administration on Monday introduced a series
of initiatives to help universities combat antisemitism, including
directing federal law enforcement agencies to work with local authorities to
protect Jewish students. But some Jewish advocacy groups have criticized the
White House for not identifying anti-Zionism as a form of antisemitism, arguing
the omission allows for antisemitism perpetuated under the guise of rejecting
the Jewish homeland. The administration’s sweeping national
strategy to counter antisemitism, released in May, recognized that
opposition to Israel often stems from anti-Jewish discrimination but stopped
short of explicitly condemning anti-Zionism.
Many people now see doing so as a moral imperative,
particularly given the long history of discrimination against Israel in
international bodies. Over the last eight years alone, Israel has been
the subject of 140 U.N.
General Assembly condemnatory resolutions. The next largest transgressor,
Russia, has been singled out just 23 times and China, which is estimated to
have imprisoned more than 1 million Uyghurs in Xinjiang since 2017, had never
been condemned by the body. Yet U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres last
week called for a ceasefire in Israel’s efforts to strike back at Hamas while
seemingly blaming Israel for Hamas’ October 7 attacks, which he said “did
not happen in a vacuum.”
Members of the international body, which was formed in
the aftermath of the Holocaust in part to prevent future crimes against
humanity, on Friday failed
to advance a Canadian-led motion that would have condemned Hamas: 55
countries voted against the measure. Meanwhile, an Arab coalition-led
resolution urging an immediate ceasefire passed by a vote of
120 to 14. Israeli Ambassador to the U.N. Gilad Erdan rejected the
resolution as tantamount to telling the country not to defend itself. “We saw
exactly what they dream of doing to every Israeli and Jew,” he said, “and we
will not sit idly by to let them rearm and commit such atrocities.”
For Cotler-Wunsh, the terrorist group and its
international apologists have unintentionally underscored an imperative of
Israel’s existence: to protect the world’s Jewish population when nobody else
will.
“The masks are off for anybody wanting to see: This is an
assault on our shared humanity and the reason for the state of Israel to exist,
so at the very least we can defend ourselves even if we die doing so,” she
said. “It is an existential moment. It is Israel’s second independence war. And
anybody who believes in the right of the state of Israel to exist in any
borders, and in the imperative for it to defend itself to exist, has to stand
up and be counted now.”
“Never again is right now.”
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