By Jonah Goldberg
Friday, August 25, 2023
I have this weird trick I use when I’m trying to figure
out what I think about complicated or controversial events. I ask, “What if
this was a movie?”
I don’t mean a highly fictionalized movie “inspired by
real events.” I mean a serious effort to tell what happened that’s true to what
actually happened. But I also don’t mean a documentary. I mean a movie—or I
guess a novel—that has heroes and villains. In Cold Blood—both the
book and the movie adaptations—is a good example of what I’m getting at.
Think about it this way. You know that scene in Apollo 13 where
the engineers have to MacGyver an air filter out of random stuff that’s on
board the ship? “We’ve gotta find a way to make this fit into
the hole for this—using nothing but that.”
Well, imagine the “that” are the known, and largely
undisputed, facts about a given event. You don’t necessarily have to include
all of the facts to tell the story, but the more honest you are, the more
you’ll include the important facts. What you can’t do is make up things that
didn’t happen or twist facts out of their historical context in order to
deceive or manipulate the audience toward your own ideological conclusions.
I have a huge backlog of grievances about all manner of
purportedly historical movies—Munich
Reds, JFK, etc.—that play such games in order to peddle
B.S. theories and ideological agendas.
Mind games.
While I’m sorely tempted to go down those rabbit holes to
air my grievances, let’s look at an Apple TV series I just finished, The
Crowded Room, instead.
“Based” on the non-fiction novel, The Minds of
Billy Madigan, the show purports to tell the story of the first criminal
defendant to successfully claim multiple personality disorder (now called
“dissociative identity disorder”) in a criminal trial.
I’ve got many, many problems with The Crowded
Room, but the most relevant one here is how it departed from the facts. The
actual Billy Madigan was arrested for raping three women at
Ohio State University. His lawyers and psychologists successfully argued that
two of his alternate personalities committed the crimes. But in The
Crowded Room, they changed Billy to “Danny,” moved the setting from Ohio to
New York City, and changed his crime to firing a gun in Rockefeller Center,
wounding some people.
They needed to do this in order to make Danny more
sympathetic. It’s hard to get the audience to take the side of a guy who was
widely known as “the campus rapist.” It’s hard to show him brutally raping
young women and expect anyone to hope he wins his case. So they made the
shooting a kind of dreamscape-y pseudo-crime in which Danny thinks he’s
shooting the stepfather who sexually abused him. In one interview with Amanda
Seyfried, who plays the crusading psychologist protagonist, she says, “I love
opening the box on anything that’s hard to watch.” And while there’s a lot of
stuff in the show that’s hard to watch, it tells you something that they
refused to actually show you the stuff that actually, you know, happened.
Resistance is futile.
As far as I can tell, the agenda of the series was to
shine a light on mental health and put some ancillary points on the board about
various sexual identity and gender issues. But the real moral of the story
comes in the final episode in the form of a little monologue from Seyfried.
Seyfried is talking to Danny’s lawyer, Stan, over lunch.
They’re freaking out because they’re losing the case. They’re particularly
frustrated that they couldn’t get Danny to manifest his different personalities
better on the witness stand. Stan theorizes that Danny couldn’t confront his
actions because of guilt or shame or something. He reveals he knows something
about that because he has guilt and shame about his service in Vietnam.
“So, you volunteered,” Seyfried says. “That makes what
happened your fault?”
“You could look at it that way. Yeah. Sure,” the lawyer responds.
“Or you were at war, and you were a kid,” Seyfried
says.
“Stop,” Stan protests. “Does anything about this face
say, ‘Please analyze it’?”
Seyfried presses ahead anyway: “That’s the thing, Stan.
Everybody who’s gotten hurt has some kind of story they tell themselves. ‘I
shouldn’t have been walking alone at night.’ ‘I shouldn’t have worn a short
skirt.’ … ‘I shouldn’t have gotten angry.’ ‘I shouldn’t have talked back.’ We
make the bad things that happened to us our fault. It’s a way to imagine that
we have some control, but we don’t, because bad things happen. So, until we
accept that it’s not all our fault, we’re not gonna be able to begin to heal.”
And then Seyfried exclaims, “My God, that’s it!”
This realization is the key to getting Danny acquitted.
Now, I want to be fair. People wrongly blame themselves
for things outside of their control all the time. And that’s often an unhealthy
thing to do.
But this little sermon—the didactic core of this
infuriating 10-episode mess—is a problem, too. It’s a celebration of victimhood
because it dismisses agency by conflating it with control and declares control
an illusion. But control and agency are different things. “Gotten hurt” is not
a synonym for “made mistakes.”
The rapist is to blame for rape. Always. But I get it,
rape is such an emotionally charged topic—which is precisely why they erased
Billy Madigan’s actual crimes—that it’s difficult to talk about the
agency of victims without sounding like you’re blaming the victim, which I
don’t want to do.
So let’s put it this way. People have the power to make
decisions that reduce the likelihood of bad things happening to them. I grew up
in New York City in the 1970s. I learned from an early age about making such
decisions. Don’t go to this place alone. Don’t go to that place after dark.
Don’t flash cash. Don’t go anywhere with a stranger. Whether victims follow
such advice or not in no way absolves the mugger, the rapist, or the murderer.
But that doesn’t mean the advice isn’t valuable.
But Seyfried says we don’t even have any “control.”
Sometimes we don’t. But often we do. The whole show celebrates the idea that we
are merely depersonalized flotsam on the currents of life, without any agency.
And, therefore, the only way to “heal” is to accept that the bad things that
happen to you aren’t your fault. Sometimes that’s true. But there’s a real
Herbert Marcuse-style inversion here. Liberation—from guilt, shame, whatever—is
only achievable by fully accepting you’re a victim of forces outside of your
control. That’s pernicious B.S.
The cul-de-sac of desire.
What prompted me to bring this up was this
piece in the New York Times by Jamieson Webster, a clinical
psychologist and psychoanalyst. I don’t have the space here to grapple with
everything I disagree—or agree with—in Webster’s argument; it’s discomfiting in
both directions. Still, the headline gets at the core problem. “I Don’t Need to
be a ‘Good Person.’ Neither do You.”
Here’s my hot take: “Need” ain’t got nothing to do with
it. You should try to be a good person. It’s a fact of life
that you’ll fail sometimes. But that doesn’t mean trying is wrong.
Webster reports that many of her patients are obsessed
with mimicking the behavior of other people they think are decent and
well-adjusted. She writes:
I’m increasingly seeing this in my
work as a therapist in New York City. So are my colleagues. One said to me
recently that he was tired of listening to his patients talk about the
impossible advice inhaled on Instagram and TikTok—to say nothing of the
self-help industry. “Doesn’t anyone come asking to be more free?”
he exclaimed. “They don’t,” I said pessimistically. “Everyone wants to make the
right decisions.” The problem is it’s very hard to tell someone that pursuing
the abstract question of “right and wrong” ways to live will lead you into a
cul-de-sac. It avoids the deeper question of desire, and desire is a compass.
She then goes on to write interesting things about how
giving into desire and uninhibitedly pursuing pleasure is an important path to
self-discovery. Or something.
Now, whatever wisdom or insight—and I think there
is some—there is in her advice, one conclusion comes screaming out:
Maybe people should stop consulting psychologists about issues of morality
entirely.
I find it utterly perplexing that in a moment when
standards of morality, probity, prudence, decency, and, yeah, “right and wrong”
are under profound assault from within and without, on the right and the left—a
point Webster glancingly concedes—her advice is to not even bother trying to
figure out what is right and wrong, beyond indulging and pursuing pleasure until
it no longer feels “right” for you. If you’re really struggling to figure out
what is right and wrong, maybe go ask a priest, rabbi, Imam, or pretty much any
morally serious person who won’t tell you, “Give in to your desires.”
To her credit, Webster admits that giving in to our
desires isn’t what we “ought to do,” but she provides no external yardstick for
figuring out what we ought to do beyond what works for us.
For decades now, we have psychologized the moral lingua
franca of culture to the point where notions of right and wrong are
subjectivized and reified in therapeutic language. I agree with the
psychologists that feelings of shame and guilt can often be debilitating and
unhealthy, and psychologists can be very good at identifying such instances.
But you know what? Sometimes shame and guilt are entirely legitimate feelings,
earned by terrible decisions that cannot be erased by some mantra about how
“You need to be you” or you should “be true to yourself.”
Again, I think she makes some interesting points, but I
find the whole idea of making pleasure and physical desire the measure of
man—and woman—the currency of our identity acutely unhelpful. Granting poetic
license, I agree that “desire is a compass.” But here’s the thing about
compasses: They just as easily point in the wrong direction as the right one.
The compass doesn’t say, “North is the right way to go.” It just says, “North.”
You need things external to your compass—i.e. knowledge—to know
whether going north will take you back into bear country or toward the nearest
road.
The idea that you should give in to your desires,
regardless of what those desires are, is antithetical to vast swaths of
traditional morality. I’m neither a prude nor an ascetic, but maybe personal
pleasure isn’t the most important thing in the world, never mind anything like
True North? And maybe, just maybe, we’ve reached the point of diminishing
returns when it comes to taking moral direction from psychologists.
Our life, the movie.
Okay, since I’ve ignored current events, and the topic I
actually set out to write about, let’s circle back to my One Weird Trick for
thinking about current events.
As I write this, The Dispatch Slack
channel brims with posts from colleagues pointing to various right-wing dudes
getting positively tumescent over Donald Trump’s mugshot. On the website
formerly known as Twitter, Ted Cruz declares,
“Trump’s mugshot where he looks like a pissed off and angry badass is an iconic
historic photo. It’s going viral, and it’s making a heck of a statement.”
Dinesh D’Souza, a noted expert of authentic black street culture, observes,
“In the urban black community, a mug shot can be an iconic symbol, both of
victimization and of greatness. It’s a defiant UP YOURS to ‘the man.’ Think
Tupac Shakur. Trump is now the ultimate gangsta in our culture.” Rod Dreher,
agreeing with Ben Shapiro about how “iconic” the picture is, says,
“This is totally true. The punkest thing now will be to wear a tshirt with this
image on it. I don’t like Trump, but I want one simply to register my disgust
with the ruling class.”
Now, this is all a great addendum to what I wrote about
last week. A lot of conservatives envy the cool kids, which is why they obsess
about Hollywood and celebrities and crave our own celebrities. They resent that
the left has been able to claim the mantle of authentic, transgressive
rebelliousness and so they want to get in on the action. So of course, this is
awesome. Trump is Tupac! He’s punk rock! He’s such a badass for getting
arrested and mugging for his mug shot! We really are cool! “Victimization and
greatness,” as Dinesh helpfully confesses, go together, like sucking up to
Trump and getting pardoned by him.
But ask yourself: How could you make a movie about the
events that led to Donald Trump getting arrested and not make him the bad guy?
Again, you’ve got to stick to the facts. You can’t make stuff up. I think it’s
impossible. Oh sure, you could make Alvin Bragg, Fani Willis, Nancy Pelosi, and
Joe Biden look bad too and still be truthful to events. Have partisans responded
to Trump in irresponsible ways? Of course. But short of 2,000 Mules levels
of distortion and dishonesty, it’s pretty much impossible to avoid telling this
story without establishing that Trump lied (and lied, and lied) as part of a
broader effort to steal the election. Of course, that’s now the subtext. Trump
is the villain, but many on the right now think villains are cool.
Nevertheless, contrary to the writers of The
Crowded Room, humans have agency. They have the ability to influence the
events that bedevil them. They have access to knowledge about what is right and
wrong and what paths to go down and which to avoid. Donald Trump had no end of
advisers telling him not to go the way he did. But he listened to his feelings.
He stayed true to himself. And that is precisely why he is the bad guy. “Bad
things” didn’t just rain down on Trump. He’s been rain-dancing for years. Now
that he’s soaked by the deluge he invited, he whines about getting wet.
And since I won’t be coming back to this “imagine it’s a
movie” point for a while, let’s take a quick gander at Ukraine. If you were to
make a movie about the last decade of Russian-Ukraine tensions, you could very
easily include things that make the picture more morally complex. Ukraine has a
huge corruption problem. The Azov Brigade is full of bad actors— at least was
at one point.
But there’s no way you could possibly stick to the most
relevant and powerful facts—the mass graves, the use of rape as an instrument
of war, the child abductions, the torture and unprovoked aggression, Vladimir
Putin’s relentless lies about fighting “Nazis,” not to mention his
assassinations of dissidents, journalists, et al.—and not cast Putin and the
Russian regime as irredeemably, even cartoonishly, evil. The only way you could
tell any other version of events is to lie and propagandize, erase facts and
manufacture falsehoods, and float whataboutist distractions. The heroes,
victims, and villains in this tale are obvious.
Now, while I think my little trick is a useful rule of
thumb for thinking about the moral dynamics of a controversy, it’s not a rule for
how we should act. In other words, I don’t think we should craft foreign policy
solely by asking, “What if this were a movie?” If we did that, we’d be
intervening all over the world—including in Ukraine. Because it would be very
difficult to see Russian soldiers on the big screen raping children and old
ladies, shooting civilians in the back of the head and pushing them into pits,
and not want the president of the United States to raid the larder of the
arsenal of democracy with fresh cans of whoop-ass. For the audience, it would
be like watching John Wayne sit on a porch with a shotgun doing nothing as he
watched a gang rape.
But contrary to a whole chorus of Putin apologists and
self-styled dissidents opposing “endless war” and other forms of “neocon”
perfidy, we’re not actually intervening in Ukraine. We’re helping—not enough in
my opinion—the Ukrainians help themselves. That doesn’t make us the heroes of
this story, but it does put us on the side of the good guys.
But being the good guys is no longer cool on the right.
We need to be bad boys, you know, like Tupac. For decades, the right castigated
those who always “blame America first,” as Jeane Kirkpatrick famously
put it. We mocked those who said America was corrupt, decadent, immoral,
greedy, sick, and cruel. But now, blaming America first has become the heart of
America First.
No comments:
Post a Comment