By Ryan
Bourne
Friday,
August 11, 2023
Ramesh
Ponnuru has kicked off a
debate over
just how different the freedom
conservatives’ statement of principles is from its national-conservative
counterpart. One
area of unambiguous clear blue water is the divide over the escalating federal
debt. The FreeCons’ statement repudiates the path it’s on and urges a course
correction; the NatCons seem to be so relaxed about the debt that they could be
called “national-debt conservatives.”
Largely
because of emergencies, recessions, and the accelerating cost of entitlement
programs, the federal debt stands at its highest level since World War II,
relative to the size of the economy. Washington today shows no sign of stemming
new red ink. Even with higher inflation, Congress has continued borrowing as if
the country were in a deep recession. Worse, on unchanged policies, the Congressional
Budget Office predicts
debt would nearly double over the next 30 years, propelled by rising Social
Security and Medicare spending driving up borrowing and interest payments.
The
FreeCon statement elevates this to a frontline policy issue. “The skyrocketing
federal debt — which now exceeds the annual economic output of the United
States — is an existential threat to the future prosperity, liberty, and
happiness of Americans,” it says. “Existential” may be hyperbolic, but the
signatories are right to call for urgent action, pledging to build “a
constructive reform agenda that can restore America’s fiscal sustainability,
ensuring that future generations inherit a more prosperous and secure nation.”
The
NatCon statement, by contrast, doesn’t mention the debt, nor does it lay out
any conservative principle for managing public finance. Indeed, the only link
to the federal budget in their statement at all is the higher spending proposed
for rearmament, public research, manufacturing, and family welfare transfers —
all things that, absent tax increases or spending reductions elsewhere in the
budget, would worsen the debt path.
This
relegation of the national debt as a priority is no oversight. The recent
112-page “handbook for
conservative policymakers” from public-policy organization American Compass mentions the debt
only twice, and then only as a downstream effect of running trade deficits.
Prominent national conservatives regularly pooh-pooh efforts to defuse the debt
time bomb as an “obsession” of the old Reaganite right (ironic given that their
lack of concern is closer to Reagan’s own debt record).
They are
also unserious about the debt challenge. NatCon-sympathetic senator J. D.
Vance, for example, rails against the prospect of any cuts to Social Security
and Medicare — reform of which is near-inevitable to avoid an unprecedented
debt explosion. Instead, he claims those who accept this reality
“want to cut Social Security . . . so that we can send more money to Volodymyr
Zelensky in Ukraine.”
No
economist can predict with certainty the effects of continuing this path of
ever-rising debt. But here’s what we do know: Higher debt burdens
correlate with slower
economic growth;
negative shocks such as pandemics and recessions will occur, worsening the debt
level further; fiscal crises hit countries
suddenly and
unexpectedly; and past governments have “inflated away” debts, imposing huge,
arbitrary redistributions of wealth on their populations.
After
World War II, administrations oversaw a steep decline in debt relative to GDP
due to a combination of fast economic growth, near-balanced budgets, financial
repression, and damaging inflationary bursts. Conditions today are more
difficult. This time we have no military demobilization slashing spending, no
low-hanging fruit for economic growth from women entering the labor force, and
no prospect of inflating away the medical procedures and inflation-protected
Social Security benefits Congress promises seniors.
Given
this uncharted territory, NatCons’ nonchalance about the federal debt’s
trajectory is striking. At other times, they paint themselves as the champions
of national security. Yet a high debt burden risks making borrowing much more
expensive when genuine national emergencies or wars hit, while crowding out
defense spending with interest payments in benign periods.
NatCons
have often indicated they prize families’ economic security. Yet gambling with
the prospect of a fiscal crisis risks the prospect of a sharp set of tax rises
or draconian spending cuts to balance budgets. All conservatives, of course,
value Edmund Burke’s description of society as a partnership “between those who
are living, those who are dead, and those who are to be born.” Yet politicians
today are borrowing vast sums at the expense of unborn taxpayers, contributing
to the recent humiliating rating-agency downgrade of U.S. sovereign debt.
Yes, the
FreeCons don’t say precisely how they’d address the debt issue. Would their
reforms be to the budget process, or the entitlement programs behind the
exploding borrowing projections? Their statement is unclear — perhaps
unsurprisingly, given it is a set of principles, not a policy manifesto. But
the first step in dealing with a problem is admitting that you have one. The
FreeCons do that, and the NatCons do not.
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