By Jack Butler
Tuesday, March 02, 2021
Conservatives have long railed against the
D.C. Swamp. They are largely right to do so: Being the home of the federal
government, Washington does not merely play host to the ugliness and corruption
of national politics, but now also supports an entire economy of nonprofits,
lobbyists, contractors, media outlets, and other entities whose dealings and
doings naturally invite suspicion. Such suspicion grows as the D.C. area itself
grows in wealth, and in power over the lives of other Americans, transforming
into an interest in favor of its own expansion.
But if you believe the people behind the
new organization American Moment, the main problem with the Swamp is simply
that the wrong people have been in charge. In case you were wondering, they
think they are the right people. “Across time, every society has had an elite —
the select group of people whose actions, words, and decisions decisively
impact the common good,” Saurabh Sharma, Nick Solheim, and Jake Mercier, the
group’s co-founders, write
in The American Conservative. The
implication being: Why not us? They claim
to have been for years “frustrated by the lack of organizations in the
conservative movement” discussing the ideas and cultivating the talent they
think we need, and hope “to not only identify and educate, but also to
credential the young, civically-minded people who will meet the significant
challenges of this American Moment.” A look at this nascent group’s public
statements, however, reveals not only an incoherent logic behind its animating
concerns, but also a broader, worrying aspiration simply to become one of
D.C.’s defective institutions.
It’s worth starting by taking American
Moment at its word. The organization appears to be one of several emerging
groups and players (and would-be players) on the right who condemn what has
variously been called the “dead consensus” or “Conservatism Inc.” You could
include in these ranks people such as Oren Cass (and his organization, American
Compass), Sohrab Ahmari, and Saagar Enjeti (who, unsurprisingly, is on American
Moment’s board of advisers). Here is American Moment’s spin on this
increasingly familiar claim:
The right
is overseen by tired nostalgics, corporate shills, and bow-tie clad
“intellectuals” who fiddle while our cities burn. This “conservative” elite
class is clamoring to restore its agenda, which proved time and time again to
be an electoral disaster and a civilizational dead-end.
In this telling, those invested in this
status quo both sufficiently angered primary and general electorates to make
them willing to vote for Donald Trump in defiance, but then these same
status-quo beneficiaries undermined Trump as president. These “underminer”
conservatives — was “wrecker”
taken? — when working with or in the Trump administration either directly
attempted to prevent him from making good on the agenda he was ostensibly
elected on, or indirectly attempted to direct his agenda back to their
allegedly failed consensus. As a promotional video for the organization states,
“The administration was taken over by out-of-touch and malicious underminers of
the president and his voters.”
This is a self-serving narrative that
simplifies or elides much of what actually happened from 2015 onward. Trump’s
2016 election remains a monumental event and is certainly worth interpreting as
a signal of discontent. But it was multifaceted, depending not only on Trump’s
opponent — a corrupt, cloying figure conservatives had rightly loathed for an
entire generation — but also to some extent on Republican victories nationwide
over the preceding years. During that time, Republicans took control of the
House, Senate, a majority of state governorships, and nearly enough state
legislatures to have passed constitutional amendments. For all the complaints
about a lack of winning — understandably driven by resentment over what the
presidency and the Supreme Court, then the two institutions conservatives did
not control, could still do despite conservative influence elsewhere — it’s
worth remembering all of this, and not pretending that history began on
November 8, 2016.
It’s also worth remembering what actually
happened during Trump’s presidency. Instead, American Moment elevates it into a
world-historical accomplishment but deprecates its actual achievements. There
are complaints to make about Paul Ryan’s tenure as House speaker, but was he
undermining the president when he spearheaded the tax cut that became Trump’s
primary legislative accomplishment? Was Mitch McConnell undermining Trump when
they worked together to fill the federal judiciary with constitutionally minded
jurists? These are aspects of Trump’s presidency lost in the group’s simplistic
framing.
An expected response might go something
like: Ah, but those weren’t the
underminers. The underminers were people such as H. R. McMaster, Nikki Haley,
Jared Kushner (Trump’s son-in-law!), and others whose views on American foreign
policy and border security subverted the Trump administration. But this leaves
out the God Emperor in the room: Trump himself. Trump, in this reckoning, is
simultaneously somehow a titanic force, yet easily undercut by an entrenched
establishment he installed. For this to make sense, you either have to believe
that an incompetent elite that has screwed up everything it touches is also so
cunning and devious that it can defy someone of Trump’s import (apparently
American Moment’s view) . . . or you can accept that Trump undermined himself
and betrayed his voters by his presidential conduct. No attempt to learn what
can be learned from the Trump years will be successful if it refuses to look at
Trump’s own failures by his own supposed standards. They include, for one,
losing an election: However many votes he received — a fact American Moment
highlights — more people voted against him in 2020.
His failures also include undermining his
own agenda at key instances. Consider Trump’s treatment of Jeff Sessions, who
believed in much of what Trump did well before the former president descended
that escalator in 2015. After securing a blurb from Sessions, American Moment claimed that
he “is a hero of ours” who will “continue to fight for the priorities he’s
championed his entire career!” Sessions was the first member of the Senate to
endorse Trump for president. His reward was to become attorney general . . .
and then, when he refused to do what Trump wanted, to be removed from the
administration, and spurned by Trump when attempting an ultimately failed
second run for Senate in Alabama. If there is to be a new status quo, it will
have to sort out Trump’s vices from his virtues; any attempt at “realignment”
that ignores the basic lesson of learning from mistakes — and you don’t have to
be a rabid Never Trumper (which
I am not) to believe there were some — will
have difficulty succeeding.
The principals of American Moment either
don’t realize this, or ignore it in the hope that they can somehow avoid these
difficult problems. All the better to smooth the pathway to their becoming
another part of the Beltway constellation they claim to loathe. It doesn’t
require much inference or speculation to accuse them of this. You just have to
look at the fact that the organization enjoyed the most Swampy of things, a
launch party. One attendee considered
it “appropriately swanky” for its goal of “reshaping the political class to
reflect populist priorities.” If you’ve ever heard — either in using it or
being accused of it — the accusation that conservatives sell out so they can
attend Georgetown cocktail parties, you might be interested to learn that
cocktails were available at this party. (“‘They’re easy to slam,’ remarked one
attendee. Sharma urged the crowd to eat and drink their fill with the promise
of an after party for the especially ambitious.”) You might also be interested to
learn that noted serious policy thinker Marjorie Taylor Greene dropped in on
the proceedings.
You can also look at the preponderance of
airy buzzwords in American Moment’s promotional material. There’s the earnest
and approving use of the word “operators.” There’s this description of Trump’s
victory in an announcement
video: “In 2016, millions of Americans voted to break the comfortable
consensus of our ruling class in favor of a new paradigm.” And there’s the
organization’s description
of itself as
a product
with no parallel. Part streaming service, part intellectual canon, it’s a
dynamic collection of books, essays, podcasts, YouTube videos, short pieces,
features, and more on what we believe.
In this, the organization’s primary
innovation on the standard Beltway-organization model of fellowships, events,
parties, happy hours, networking, podcasts — which, to be clear, it plans to do
plenty of as well — is to sound more like Prestige Worldwide than
a serious operation. The comically inchoate business brainchild of the idiot
titular characters in 2008’s Step
Brothers ends up succeeding in the film’s bizarro world of comedy logic,
but in the real world, it’s hard to make much of “management, financial
portfolios, insurance, computers, black leather gloves, research and
development.” So, one is inclined to think, with American Moment.
Beneath the defective reasoning and the
vapid self-promoting, however, it remains possible to discern a through-line to
American Moment: to become the clearinghouse of D.C.’s new conservative elite.
Its complaints about what it perceives as the successful failures of the old
one — unable to arrest America’s decline, yet still powerful enough to thwart
Trump — amount to a kind of projection, or wish-fulfillment, in this light. For
its founders do not disdain the idea of a Swampy elite, nor do they reject the
predicates of the administrative state on which such an elite depends. Their
main resentment seems to be that they are not the ones on top. The organization
brims with a presumption that its founders not only deserve to be, but, through
sheer force of will, can make this so. This also goes for its claim to be
speaking on behalf of “the voters,” whom they treat not as individuals with
particular concerns but as an abstract mass on whose behalf only American
Moment, conveniently, can speak.
In this group’s warped understanding of
politics, the conservative movement becomes a kind of machinery that churns out
“bow-tie clad intellectuals” (as I’m sure I’ll inevitably be described for
writing this, despite preferring running shorts) — as though the key to
securing influence were some formula that could be discerned and copied. Such a
mindset accords well with the mechanical gears in the group’s logo, and also
with the dehumanizing logic of administrative bureaucracy. How well does it
fit, though, with the restoration of representative government? That American
Moment seeks “to spearhead the endeavor to find and connect the young people
who will make up a new elite” assumes that such people can be, in essence,
manufactured on a large scale (and then, presumably, made to owe fealty to
American Moment). Have the principals of American Moment met anyone in the
conservative movement? Sure, many benefit along the way from the variety of
institutions and people it contains. But its constituent parts all took
idiosyncratic paths to their positions. There is no button to press, no magic
spell to cast, no genie’s lamp to rub. There is only the messy work of politics
and organizing.
That American Moment has attempted to
establish itself as the one to do this credentialing bespeaks yet more wish
fulfillment. There is space for organizations that educate and connect young
conservatives and prepare them for government work; Yuval Levin has proposed
something along those lines here. But this
doesn’t automatically entitle American Moment to lord over conservatism as new
Beltway kingmakers.
There is also space within the debate over
conservatism’s future for the
ideas American Moment claims to advance. Some of them don’t seem very
objectionable. Or, frankly, that original. A great deal of them, in fact, had
personal and institutional champions well before this new organization emerged.
But American Moment appears to have no interest in attacking at their roots the
problems that have made the Swamp what conservatives rightly complain about
today. It
would just prefer to host the cocktail parties.
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