By John Fund
Sunday, September 9, 2018
Sweden’s elections on Sunday carry the same lesson we
should have already learned with Brexit and Donald Trump’s 2016 victory: Those
whom political elites view as “deplorables” are going to have their say. The
question now is whether elites will continue to ignore them and the lessons
they bring.
Once a poster child for political consensus, Sweden is
now deeply polarized. Parties on the traditional right and those on the
traditional left wound up in a photo finish, each with about 41 percent of the
vote. The remaining 18 percent of the vote was captured by Sweden Democrats
(SD), a once obscure populist party with some roots in 1980s neofascism.
It has since largely cleaned up its act and seen its
support skyrocket as other parties have ignored its key issues of immigration
and crime. The SD claims it now practices a “zero-tolerance” policy against
members who make openly racist or anti-Semitic statements.
Despite the growth of the Sweden Democrats, none of the
seven mainstream parties will have anything to do with the party, with most
labeling it “racist” and “extremist.” Johan Norberg, a Swedish commentator,
says that “no other party will deal with them.” He adds that the SD’s stance on
many issues “makes them unreliable partners to either side because on the one
hand they want to maintain the famous Swedish welfare state but on the other
are climate-change skeptics and promise to cut taxes on fuel.”
Whatever their stated reason, the refusal of all other
parties to negotiate with the SD may now lead to political paralysis in Sweden,
since neither the combined forces of the Right or the Left parties can command
the majority needed to form a stable government.
The irony is that all of this turmoil is happening during
relatively good economic times. Just as with Brexit and Trump’s victory, the
populist revolt in Sweden is taking place during a time of falling
unemployment. But the instability of today’s job markets and slow wage growth cancel
that out. In Sweden, only 27 percent of voters believe that the country is
heading in the right direction, while 50 percent think that it is going in the
wrong direction.
The key moment that gave the Swedish Democrats their
opening was the 2015 migrant crisis. In Germany, the admission of 1 million
migrants caused support for the major parties to collapse and fueled the rise
of the populist Alternative for Germany. In Sweden, a similar result occurred
after the country took in 165,000 asylum seekers in one year. That would be the
equivalent of the United States admitting some 6 million refugees in a year.
But what really made the Swedish migrant crisis a
political tinderbox is that elites decided that discussing the issue in frank
terms — including its negative impacts — was forbidden in the media and polite
society. As Tino Sanandaji, a researcher of Iranian Kurdish background at the
Institute for Economic and Business History Research in Stockholm, wrote at Politico today:
Over time, “openness” and
“multi-culturalism” were pitted against “hatred” and “racism,” and that in
effect ended the discussion.
Exposing negative statistics about
immigration sparked angry accusations of bigotry. Establishment voices shied
away from the topic for fear of being accused as racist. Opposition to
immigration became off-limits within all establishment parties, and Swedish
policy gradually moved toward open borders.
The underlying unease, of course,
did not vanish. In anonymous social surveys, there was never a majority in
favor of increasing migration to Sweden. Faced with a pro-migration political
establishment, the silent majority of voters began to feel they had no other
outlet than fringe parties with racist roots.
Polls show that Swedish Democrats even captured 12
percent of the foreign-born vote, perhaps explained by the fact that some of
them resent the recent rise in crime and disorder in their own neighborhoods.
Sweden’s governing elites made things even worse for
themselves by turning a blind eye to increases in gang violence, sexual
assault, and arson that occurred in neighborhoods where migrants congregated.
Sanandaji says that the Swedish Democrats “benefited from the government’s
decision to obfuscate or simply mislead the public about the rise in violence —
despite the indisputable statistics about the phenomenon.”
Much as with support for President Trump, a general
belief that elites aren’t telling the truth on key issues has propped up SD’s
base of support and solidified it.
And just as the mainstream media have stepped out of
their traditional role and declared war on the Trump administration, the
Swedish media have taken the side of the elites. During the final election
debate on Swedish state television (SVT) last Friday, Sweden Democrats party
leader Jimmie Akesson claimed that the reason many immigrants can’t find a job
is that “they are not Swedes” and they “don’t fit in, in Sweden.” After the
debate, the SVT host made a sudden intervention: “We must begin by saying that
Jimmie Akesson’s comments were blatantly generalizing, and SVT does not stand
by them.”
The argument over the poor assimilation of migrants to
Sweden is worth airing, though Akesson expressed his concerns in harsh terms.
But it was the place of the other parties to debate, not the state
broadcaster’s. For their part, the Sweden Democrats tweeted: “SVT chose to take
a stand against the Sweden Democrats. It is an act that is unprecedented in
modern Swedish history.”
You’d think that elites would see a pattern when looking
at Trump supporters, Brexiteers, or Europeans skeptical of mass migration;
you’d think that the lesson would sink in by now. But instead, in country after
country roiled by populist uprisings, elites steadfastly are refusing to
grapple with the legitimate sentiments of working-class voters, dissidents from
politically correct identity politics, or workers unsettled by industry that
has shut down.
Instead, the elites are continuing to roughly follow the
example of candidate Barack Obama, who in 2012 famously tried to explain the
attitudes of such people at what he thought was an off-the-record fundraiser:
They get bitter, they cling to guns
or religion or antipathy to people who aren’t like them or anti-immigrant
sentiment or anti-trade sentiment as a way to explain their frustrations.
Of course, there are elements in the ranks of Brexit
supporters, Trump backers, and the Swedish Democrats that are nasty and
retrograde. But so long as elites continue to ignore the legitimate fears and
grievances of ordinary voters, they will be both inhibiting a genuine public
debate over solutions and encouraging even more of a backlash.
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