By Kevin D. Williamson
Wednesday, September 12, 2018
I often am perplexed by the ways in which we try to put
poverty into a social and economic context.
For example, once a year or so, the newspapers will be
full of stories about a study concluding that a minimum-wage worker cannot
afford the rent on a two-bedroom apartment in any American city. Dig in just a
little bit and the claim is clarified: A minimum-wage worker cannot afford the
rent on a two-bedroom apartment at the 40th percentile or above without
spending more than 30 percent of his income on rent. It is difficult to imagine
a more useless datum. Why would we expect a below-average earner to be renting
in the middle of the market, rather than, say, renting one of the 39 percent of
apartments that are below the 40th percentile? It’s a fundamentally useless way
of looking at things, but here’s the Washington
Post and everybody else jumping on board. I have been pointing out this
particular bit of stupidity for years, but America’s newspaper editors cannot
be shamed into critical thinking.
Here is another case for consideration.
Matthew Desmond is the author of Evicted, for which he won the Pulitzer Prize in 2017. He has an
essay in The
New York Times Magazine this week
that is by turns touching and maddening. I very much recommend the essay as a
look at what life actually looks like for people at the ragged edge. But it is
not very useful (it is the opposite, I’m sorry to say) as an analysis of why
they are there or what to do about it.
Desmond tells the story of Vanessa Solivan and her three
children and their economic struggles. Solivan is a home health aide, a job for
which she is paid between $10 and $14 an hour, depending on the reimbursement
rate of the patient in question. She works part time, between 20 and 30 hours a
week. Desmond writes that the federal government estimates that Solivan would
need to earn $29,420 to meet her family’s basic needs. This is written under
the headline: “Americans Want to Believe Jobs Are the Solution to Poverty.
They’re Not.”
Aren’t they?
If we assume an average wage of $12 an hour (in the
middle of that $10-$14–an-hour spread), then Solivan would earn $24,000 a year
by working 40 hours a week 50 weeks a year. As Desmond notes, our welfare
programs favor the employed, and as such Solivan would receive about $5,200 in
Earned Income Tax Credit benefits, raising her total income, absent any other
benefits, to $29,200, just a few dollars shy of that $29,420 estimate of her
family’s basic needs. Which is to say, a job looks like a pretty good solution,
if not quite a complete solution, to poverty in her case, provided it is a
full-time job. So perhaps the headline should be amended: “Part-Time Jobs Are
Not a Solution to Poverty.” But that isn’t much of a headline, since not many
people believe that part-time jobs are a such a solution.
It will occur to some of you here that the fathers of
Solivan’s three children are out of the picture, for the most part. One of them
is dead of a gunshot wound after a stint in prison, the other’s contribution to
his children’s welfare has been “erratic child-support payments and a single
trip to Chuck E. Cheese’s,” as Desmond reports.
What if that weren’t the case?
Two $12-an-hour workers (married, say) working full-time
jobs would bring in about $48,000 a year — or about 40 percent more than the
median household income in Trenton, N.J., where Solivan lives. So maybe the
headline should instead be amended to read: “Having Two Full-Time Earners in a
Household Is Actually a Pretty Good Solution to Poverty,” or, if we want to get
radical, “Marriage and Full-Time Employment Together Are a Pretty Good Solution
to Poverty.”
Desmond gets that: He reports that Solivan and many
others like her would prefer to work more hours than they do, but, for many
reasons, they cannot. He does not consider very carefully why that is.
It is difficult to look at Solivan’s situation and see a
problem that is primarily economic in
nature. The wage on offer would, given different family circumstances, be
sufficient to raise her and her children out of poverty, even in a low-skill,
low-pay job. Of course having two parents working full-time with three children
puts all sorts of stress on family life. (Having both of them working — one as
a secretary, one as a janitor at a high school — with four children certainly
did.) It still would be a tough life.
But — to return to a familiar theme — we must ask:
“Compared to what?”
There are all sorts of things to be said and debate to be
had about welfare benefits, about taxes, education, the different treatment of
investment income and wage income, etc. But does anybody really think that
rearranging any of that is going to produce a world in which a part-time home
health aide raising three children in New Jersey is not going to have a hard time of it?
And did anybody listen when conservatives were pointing
out that the structure of the Affordable Care Act would give employers
incentives to prefer part-time workers to full-time workers? Or when your
correspondent argued that federal and local policies intended to keep the price
of houses high and rising inevitably are going to be hard on the poor? (Rising
house prices are great if you own and a bear if you’re buying — and guess who
has the political clout: homeowners or renters and young people shopping for
their first houses?) Or when social conservatives pointed to the obvious link
between single motherhood and poverty?
There are a million things we can and should be doing
differently when it comes to helping people such as Vanessa Solivan and her
children. But, if anything, her case should point us toward exactly the kind of
reforms that conservatives have been arguing for: those that are oriented
toward work and eventual self-sufficiency, and those oriented toward the much
trickier business of trying to encourage the formation and preservation of intact
families, which more and more — and especially in the case at hand — seems to
me to be the root of much of the dysfunction under consideration.
The focus on “inequality” is, if anything,
counterproductive when it comes to situations like this one. Vanessa Solivan is
not poor because people working in technology and finance have done really well
in the past 30 years, and she is not poor because people with big investment
portfolios have had occasion to break out the champagne. She isn’t poor because
other people are rich — that is a primitive and illiterate way of looking at
poverty, one that is at odds with the facts of the case presented here with
such humane sympathy by Desmond and by other like-minded critics.
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