By
Matthew Continetti
Saturday,
November 07, 2015
One year
until Election Day. Where things stand: The Republican race is in turmoil while
the Democratic nomination is all but assured. The FBI alone can stop Hillary
Clinton from appearing on your ballot next November. But that is unlikely to
happen. If only wishing made it so.
She wins
the nomination. Then? To hear some tell it, Clinton’s election as president is
a safe bet. I won’t lie: I think these commentators make a strong case, but not
an entirely convincing one. There are too many factors at work. Inside the
Democratic party, the Clinton Restoration is almost complete. The country at
large, however, despite the Democratic advantages of demographics, population
distribution, and near cultural hegemony, remains wary. Clinton is a vulnerable
nominee. She can be beaten.
How?
Let’s stipulate that campaign effects are overstated. The economy and the
popularity of the incumbent, in my view, are far more important. But candidates
also matter. Whether she is liked or disliked, whether she is trusted or
distrusted, whether she is someone with whom voters identify or someone from
whom they recoil, whether she spends her days proclaiming her message or in
damage control — all of these factors shape voter impressions, voter
enthusiasm.
Which is
where Clinton falls short. Sure, she’s preferable to Bernie Sanders. Who isn’t?
Sanders appeals to the left of the Left. He’s a fringe figure. Of course
Hillary beats him. This is news?
Sure,
Hillary did okay before the House Benghazi Committee. Trust me: Looking more
sympathetic than members of Congress isn’t an achievement. It’s a freebie. All
you have to do is show up and not take the Fifth. The media were always going
to say Clinton left the hearing untouched. They’ve never thought Benghazi was a
real story.
But look
at what’s happened since Clinton’s “great ten days.” The more one examines the
statements she made before Congress, the more they are revealed to be not
entirely true. The polling says the electorate has the same impression of her
that it’s had for some time now: She can’t be trusted. 27 percent in the Journal poll says she is honest. And
“Clinton has the lowest rating for honesty” in the Quinnipiac poll, “as
American voters say 60–36 percent she is not honest and trustworthy.”
You’ll
hear pundits say trustworthiness doesn’t matter because the public didn’t trust
Bill Clinton in 1996 but reelected him anyway. Ignore them. In 1996 Clinton was
the incumbent, the economy was growing, and he was in a three-way race with two
unsympathetic opponents. It’s not just that the public distrusts Hillary
Clinton. It’s that its distrust is related to its unflattering view of her as
unlikable and out of touch.
Clinton’s
unfavorable rating according to the Huffington
Post’s “pollster trend”: 49 percent. In the Quinnipiac poll it’s 52
percent. And she’s underwater in the “cares about my needs” question: 53
percent in the Q-poll says she does not.
That’s a
terrible result for a Democrat. It was Clinton’s own pollster, Joel Benenson,
who wrote in 2012 that Republicans lost because “voters simply didn’t believe
that Mr. Romney was on their side.” Will they believe that of Hillary next
November?
The job
of the Republican nominee is to make sure they do not. You do it by reminding
the public, day after day, that Clinton can’t be trusted. Trade, same-sex
marriage, crime, foreign policy — she’ll betray you whenever it suits her
political needs. She lied about the Benghazi video; she lied about her email;
she lied about Sidney Blumenthal. That’s what she does. She lies. The
Republican nominee will have to say this repeatedly, just as Donald Trump
brands his opposition as low-energy. It will take discipline. But it will also
reinforce voters’ suspicions — and damage Clinton.
The risk
for the GOP is to go overboard, to so eagerly define Clinton as unlikable that
she has the opportunity to play the victim. She did it with Rick Lazio in 2000,
and with Barack Obama in 2008. Better to focus on how she can’t be trusted, and
let her unpleasantness speak for itself. It won’t remain hidden for
long.Republicans won’t need to paint her as unlikable. She’ll take care of that
herself. Eventually she’ll commit a gaffe that she’ll spend three days
apologizing for. It’s in her nature. Hillary Clinton is nowhere near her
husband in terms of political talent. She’s isolated, living in a bubble for
decades. Every so often she lets the “real” Hillary out and ends up regretting
it. The authentic Clinton isn’t the woman who appeared at the debate or before
Congress. It’s the Clinton who, when asked if she had wiped clean her private
server, sneered, “With a cloth or something?”
The
Democrats say they have the policy advantage. They point to areas where polling
suggests they are in the mainstream and the Republicans are not. They oversell
their case. Republicans may not have much in the way of a middle-class economic
agenda. But that is not to say the Democrats are totally in sync with the
American public.
On the
contrary: Clinton is moving left on gun control despite public opposition. Her
interest in Australia’s confiscation policy was so extreme her campaign walked
it back. The election results in Virginia, where Michael Bloomberg spent $2
million in a failed attempt to win the state senate for Democratic governor
Terry McAuliffe, show just how unpopular limitations on the Second Amendment
are.
Then
there’s crime. Criminal-justice reform is the policy fad of the day. Clinton
has eagerly embraced it. Why Democrats would want crime to return as an issue
is beyond me, but I’m no Democrat.
President
Obama’s Justice Department released 6,000 prisoners last month, “the largest
one-time release of federal prisoners.” Likely Obama will release additional
nonviolent offenders before he leaves office. If but one of these former
inmates commits a violent crime, Hillary Clinton will own it. And any
Republican who ignores the issue will deserve to lose.
Unfair?
Far more fair, I’d say, than suggesting Mitt Romney was responsible for the
death of a woman from cancer, as saying he paid no income taxes for ten years.
Clinton
carries a burden. She’s running for her party’s third term in the White House.
Her problem is not that the laws of history will prevent her from winning. It’s
that she will have to answer for her predecessor.
The two
dubious achievements of Barack Obama’s presidency — Obamacare and the Iran deal
— are both unpopular and uncertain to survive in their current forms. Clinton
has to defend them. She’ll also have to defend moving Khalid Sheikh Mohammed to
the supermax, which the president seems intent on doing. Criminals in the
streets and KSM in Colorado — ladies and gentlemen, here is your Obama legacy.
The
Obama campaign spent a fortune in the spring and summer of 2012 defining Mitt
Romney as an out-of-touch businessman who didn’t care about workers. To beat
Hillary Clinton, Republicans will spend a similar amount defining her as
untrustworthy, unlikable, and aloof from the day-to-day life of people without
a family foundation.
They
will unapologetically portray Clinton as someone who would release convicted
felons into your neighborhood even as she takes away your Second Amendment
right to self-defense. They will remind the public, relentlessly, of the woeful
consequences of Obamacare and the Iran deal. And yes, finally, they will do all
this while projecting optimism and empathy.
A tall
order, I know. But look: A race to the bottom is a race we can win.
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