By Charles C. W. Cooke
Thursday, November 19, 2015
So sayeth California’s lieutenant governor, Gavin Newsom:
I forget who at National Review first pointed out to me
that, as time passes and memories fade, progressives invariably come to believe
that their long-dead foes were somehow “different.” In recent years, we’ve seen
this happen with President Reagan, with Newt Gingrich, and even with George W.
Bush. “If only the contemporary Republican party could be more like those guys,” the lament goes, “then we
might get something done. Alas, this crop is uniquely evil.”
Now, we’ve seen it happen to the NRA.
In pushing back against this silliness, it’s difficult to
know where to start. Frankly, there is no way in hell that Gavin Newsom or any other embryonic gun-controllers were
happy with the NRA back in the early ’90s. In 1987, 1991, and 1993, the
organization went all out against what eventually became the “Brady Bill,”
thereby putting on the record its opposition to the very background checks that
the Democratic party believes are so vital to the nation’s security. In 1994,
it not only fought Bill Clinton’s “assault weapons” ban all the way to the
bitter end, but it promised (and delivered) “retaliation” against lawmakers who
had voted for it. And after the bombing at Oklahoma City, the group’s leader
shocked many in Congress and beyond by referring to federal law-enforcement
agents as “jackbooted thugs” and “Nazi stormtroopers.” If anything, the group
was more “extreme” 20 years ago than
it is now.
Today, Republicans are pretty much wholly united against
further restrictions on the Second Amendment. Back in the early ’90s, however,
this was not the case. Then, former president Ronald Reagan was happy to lend
his support to both of Bill Clinton’s major gun-control initiatives. Then,
former president George H. W. Bush resigned his lifetime membership because he
disagreed with the outfit’s rhetoric. Then, the group opposed background checks
not just on private sales but on all gun
sales, period. Are we really supposed to believe that, in 1995, a young
Gavin Newsom was applauding the group for its reasonableness? Hardly.
As for Newsom’s central claim — that the group has “gone
from repping their members 2 serving as lobbyists for gun industry” — I must admit
to confusion. I can only imagine that Newsom is basing this judgment on polling
that shows that the NRA sometimes takes positions that its members do not.
That’s fine as far as it goes. But isn’t the real proof in the pudding? Unlike,
say, membership in labor unions, membership in the NRA is entirely voluntary.
If the group had actually moved away from its members’ interests, wouldn’t we
expect to see some drop-off in support — or, at the very least, to witness the
rise of a more “moderate” alternative? Moreover, wouldn’t we expect to see the
group becoming less popular in the country at large? That we haven’t — in fact,
that we’ve seen it increase both its membership and its popularity — should
tell us something important. Each year, nearly 100,000 people flock to the
organization’s annual meeting. Having attended three of those meetings myself,
I can assure you that the guests are not locking themselves in private rooms
and griping about the leadership’s steadfast opposition to magazine limits. In
fact, the NRA’s rank and file seem to be pretty happy, which may go some way to
explaining why the group has had the same leader for two and a half decades.
Given that the question here is essentially of rights,
the reflexive use of “industry” as an anti-gun bogeyman is peculiar. As a
matter of dull fact, the NRA is not actually the gun industry’s “lobby group”;
that’s the much less frequently maligned National Shooting Sports Foundation.
But, arguendo, suppose for a moment
that it were. What, one has to ask, would be wrong with that? Nobody would be
surprised if the New York Times,
Penguin Random House, and HBO were vocal defenders of the First Amendment’s
free-speech protections. The First Amendment is how they make their living!
Likewise, nobody would pretend that there was something insidious about the
Catholic Church’s filing pro-RFRA amicus briefs with the Supreme Court, or
about the anti-war movement’s obvious enthusiasm for the right to peaceably
assemble. If a right exists, its beneficiaries are going to defend it. Just as
a people who hope to enjoy a free press are going to need a series of
uncensored newspapers to supply their demands, a people who hope to enjoy a
robust right to keep and bear arms are going to need gun manufacturers to
supply them with those arms.
Where, one wonders, is the conflict of interest? If one
is so disposed, one can argue that NRA members and the gun industry are out of
step with everybody else in America. But to suggest that they are at odds with one another simply doesn’t hold up. If I
think that I should be able to buy an AR-15 with a 30-round magazine, I am
inevitably going to support the liberties of everybody involved in that
transaction. That the manufacturers who make the products I covet agree with me
tells us nothing of interest at all.
By wading unarmed into this debate, Gavin Newsom has once
again revealed the gun-control movement’s foundational weakness: rank and
unyielding ignorance. This week alone, we have seen the Democratic party
endorse the expanded use of a terror watch list toward which it is customarily
skeptical, purely because it sees an opportunity to get at gun owners; we have
seen a number of Democratic representatives pretending that it is easy for
law-abiding Americans to buy automatic weapons of the sort that were used in
Paris; and, now, we have seen it suggested that the NRA was once a fount of
Second Amendment moderation but that it has of late become extreme. Apparently,
there is at least one thing on which Gavin Newsom and I can agree: Shooting
without thinking is a seriously bad idea, regardless of who you are or what
office you hold. Time to go back to the drawing board, lieutenant.
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