By Ian Tuttle
Wednesday, November 18, 2015
Among politicians and their clingers-on, journalists,
nothing takes hold like a bad historical analogy. Thus as politicians — 29
governors chief among them — call for a halt to our Syrian-refugee-resettlement
program on the grounds that it might be exploited as a conduit for terrorists,
pundits are invoking the plight of Jewish refugees fleeing Adolf Hitler’s
Germany in an effort to soften American hearts. The Washington Post’s Dana Milbank wrote Monday, “This growing cry to
turn away people fleeing for their lives brings to mind the SS St. Louis, the
ship of Jewish refugees turned away from Florida in 1939,” while his colleague
Ishaan Tharoor contended: “Today’s 3-year-old Syrian orphan, it seems, is
1939’s German Jewish child.” Meanwhile, a Daily
Kos headline shouts: “Replace ‘Syrian’ with ‘Jewish’ and we’re back to
1939.”
This is prima facie
nonsense, which should be obvious from the terms being compared: Jews, an
ethnic group, with Syrians, a national one. An honest, apples-to-apples
comparison would line up German Jews and Syrian Muslims — the relevant ethnic
group within the relevant political entity. But do this, and the failure of the
analogy becomes clear.
The first, and most obvious, difference: There was no
international conspiracy of German Jews in the 1930s attempting to carry out
daily attacks on civilians on several continents. No self-identifying Jews in
the early 20th century were randomly massacring European citizens in magazine
offices and concert halls, and there was no “Jewish State” establishing
sovereignty over tens of thousands of square miles of territory, and publicly
slaughtering anyone who opposed its advance. Among Syrian Muslims, there is.
The vast majority of Syrian Muslims are not party to these strains of
radicalism and violence, but it would be dangerous to suggest that they do not
exist, or that our refugee-resettlement program need not take account of them.
On a related note, the sympathies of Syrian Muslims are
more diverse than those of Nazi-era German Jews. A recent Arab Opinion Index
poll of 900 Syrian refugees found that one in eight hold a “to some
extent”-positive view of the Islamic State (another 4 percent said that they
did not know or refused to answer). A non-trivial minority of refugees who
support a murderous, metastatic caliphate is a reason for serious concern. No
13 percent of Jews looked favorably upon the Nazi party.
Third, European Jews in the early 20th century were more
amenable to assimilation than are Syrian Muslims in the early 21st. By the time
of the rise of Nazism, Jews had participated in the intellectual and cultural
life of Germany for a century and a half — a life that, despite regional
particularities, indisputably fell under the broad banner of Western
civilization, in which America participated, too. Moving from Munich to Miami
took some getting used to, but you could hear Beethoven in both. Syria stands
largely outside of that tradition. For 500 years, Syria was part of the Ottoman
Empire. When it collapsed, Syria fell briefly under French rule, eventually
gaining independence only to succumb to the dictatorship of the Assads, père et fils. The intellectual,
cultural, and political traditions of Syria are not in concert with those of
the West, and it would be foolish to think that that does not matter —
especially when combined with the uncertain sympathies noted above.
Finally: Jewish refugees — for example, those in the SS
St. Louis — were coming from Germany (or Nazi-controlled Austria or
Czechoslovakia), but most Syrian refugees seeking entry into the United States
have already found refuge elsewhere. Of the 18,000 refugee-resettlement
referrals that the United States has received from the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees, “the vast majority,” according to the State
Department, are from Jordan, Turkey, Lebanon, and Egypt (and Iraq, parts of
which remain sanctuaries from the Islamic State). It is one thing to rescue
Jews from imminent danger; it is another to offer greater safety to those who
already have it.
But because they are invested in condemning skeptics of
this resettlement program as “xenophobes” and “bigots” — Milbank’s words — many
have papered over these concrete historical differences, preferring to scold
America for a failure of “compassion” 75 years ago, and to warn against a
similar failure now. As Refugee Council USA tweeted: “B4 WWII Americans didn’t
want Jewish #refugees -we came to regret not letting them in. We can’t do same
w/ Syrians[.]”
“No regrets” is a hashtag, not a policy proposal. There
are serious, bigotry-free reasons to be wary of accepting Syrian refugees en
masse, and historical comparisons should aim to illuminate the situation, not
obscure it.
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