By Henry Payne
Wednesday, February 25, 2015
Citing documents uncovered by the radical environmental
group Greenpeace, a group of media outlets — including the New York Times and
the Boston Globe — have attacked global-warming skeptic Wei-Hock (Willie) Soon
for allegedly hiding $1.2 million in contributions from “fossil fuel
companies.” The articles were the latest in an ongoing campaign by greens and
their media allies to discredit opponents of the warming agenda.
But in allying themselves closely with activist groups
with which they share ideological goals, reporters have fundamentally misled
readers on the facts of global-warming funding.
In truth, the overwhelming majority of climate-research
funding comes from the federal government and left-wing foundations. And while
the energy industry funds both sides of the climate debate, the
government/foundation monies go only toward research that advances the warming
regulatory agenda. With a clear public-policy outcome in mind, the
government/foundation gravy train is a much greater threat to scientific
integrity.
Officials with the Smithsonian Institution — which
employs Dr. Soon — told the Times it appeared the scientist had violated
disclosure standards, and they said they would look into the matter. Soon, a
Malaysian immigrant, is a widely respected astrophysicist, and his allies came
quickly to his defense.
“It is a despicable, reprehensible attack on a man of
great personal integrity,” says Myron Ebell, the director of Global Warming and
International Environmental Policy for the Competitive Enterprise Institute,
who questioned why media organizations were singling out Soon over research
funding.
Indeed, experts in the research community say that it is
much more difficult for some of the top climate scientists — Soon, Roger Pielke
Jr., the CATO Institute’s Patrick Michaels, MIT’s now-retired Richard Lindzen —
to get funding for their work because they do not embrace the global-warming
fearmongering favored by the government-funded climate establishment.
“Soon’s integrity in the scientific community shines
out,” says Ebell. “He has foregone his own career advancement to advance
scientific truth. If he had only mouthed establishment platitudes, he could’ve
been named to head a big university [research center] like Michael Mann.”
Mann is the controversial director of Pennsylvania
State’s Earth System Science Center. He was at the center of the 2009
Climategate scandal, in which e-mails were uncovered from climatologists
discussing how to skew scientific evidence and blackball experts who don’t
agree with them.
Mann is typical of pro-warming scientists who have taken
millions from government agencies. The federal government — which will gain
unprecedented regulatory power if climate legislation is passed — has funded
scientific research to the tune of $32.5 billion since 1989, according the
Science and Public Policy Institute. That is an amount that dwarfs research
contributions from oil companies and utilities, which have historically funded
both sides of the debate.
Mann, for example, has received some $6 million, mostly
in government grants — according to a study by The American Spectator —
including $500,000 in federal stimulus money while he was under investigation
for his Climategate e-mails.
Despite claims that they are watchdogs of the
establishment, media outlets such as the Times have ignored the government’s
oversized role in directing research. And they have ignored millions in
contributions from left-wing foundations — contributions that, like government
grants, seek to tip the scales to one side of the debate.
Last summer, a minority staff report from the U.S. Senate
Committee on Environment and Public Works gave details on a “Billionaire’s
Club” — a shadowy network of charitable foundations that distribute billions to
advance climate alarmism. Shadowy nonprofits such as the Energy Foundation and
Tides Foundation distributed billions to far-left green groups such as the
Natural Resources Defense Council, which in turn send staff to the EPA who then
direct federal grants back to the same green groups. It is incestuous. It is
opaque. Major media ignored the report.
Media outlets have also discriminated in their reporting
on Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests. The Times trumpeted Greenpeace
FOIA requests revealing Soon’s benefactors, yet it has ignored the government’s
refusal of FOIA filings requesting transparency in pro-warming scientists’
funding.
The Competitive Enterprise Institute, for example, has
submitted FOIA requests asking for the sources of outside income of NASA
scientist James Hansen (a key ally of Al Gore). The government has stonewalled,
according to Ebell.
Media reporting further misleads readers in suggesting
that “fossil fuel” utilities such as the Southern Company (a $409,000
contributor to Soon’s research, according to the Times) seek only to undermine
climate science. In truth, energy companies today invest in solar, biomass, and
landfill facilities in addition to carbon fuels. Companies such as Duke Energy,
Exelon Corporation, NRG Energy, and Shell have even gone so far as to join with
green groups in forming the U.S. Climate Action Partnership — an industry/green
coalition that wants to “enact strong national legislation to require
significant reductions of greenhouse gas emissions.”
This alliance worries a scientific community that is hardly unanimous that warming is a threat. Continued funding of contrarians
such as Soon and Lindzen is essential to getting the best scientific research
at a time when the EPA wants to shut down America’s most affordable power
source, coal — at enormous cost to consumers.
The lack of warming for over a decade (witness this
winter’s dangerous, record-breaking low temperatures) and Climategate are proof
that the establishment has oversold a warming crisis. Attempts by the media to
shut up their critics ignore the real threat to science.
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