By Kevin D. Williamson
Monday, December 15, 2014
The so-called cromnibus bill funding the federal
government through this fiscal year was passed over the objections of (some)
House conservatives and (some) self-proclaimed progressives, for familiar
reasons: Conservatives, eager that the Republicans should begin governing like
they have a majority in Congress before they actually have a majority in
Congress, argued that the bill locked in long-term support for too many of
Barack Obama’s priorities — to hell with an amnesty fight in February or
gutting Obamacare after the new majority is seated, they cannot wait to start
scrapping. The Democrats’ left flank, led by Nancy Pelosi right up until the
White House did Republicans the favor of steamrolling her for them, complained
of many things, as is the Democratic habit: In this case, the litany of woe
included abominable measures that would allow larger individual donations to
political parties and repeal part of the destructive Dodd-Frank
financial-“reform” law, the “swaps push-out” rule that requires banks to exile
some derivatives trading to separate corporate entities not insured by the FDIC.
Senator Elizabeth Warren, the millionaire Massachusetts
class warrior who has made the vilification of Wall Street bankers her
second-favorite pastime (right behind prospering on the largesse of Wall Street lawyers, the gentlemen and scholars who funded her very generously compensated
position at Harvard and fill her campaign coffers) did not exactly make the
issue her hill to die on, but the fight did provide her an excellent
opportunity for grandstanding.
No doubt aware that 99 percent of those who look to her
for guidance on financial regulation could not explain what a derivative is,
Senator Warren did her usual dishonest shtick, engaging in her habitual
demagoguery without ever making an attempt to actually explain the issue, which
is a slightly complicated and technical one, to the rubes who make up the
Democrats’ base. Angrily insisting that the reform is about nothing more than
ensuring that “the biggest financial institutions in this country can make more
money” is cheap, and it’s easier than trying to explain why many midsized banks
believe that the rule puts them at a competitive disadvantage vis-à-vis the big
Wall Street firms, to say nothing of exploring the convoluted question of why
agricultural swaps are covered by the rule while interest-rate and
foreign-exchange swaps are not. This led Maggie Haberman of Politico to admire
Senator Warren’s “authenticity,” the choice of precisely that word being the
cherry on this sundae of asininity. Senator Warren is as much an authentic
champion of ordinary working people as she is an authentic Cherokee princess —
and Mel Brooks and those Yiddish-speaking Indians from Blazing Saddles were
more convincing in that role.
Bailout politics is still very much with us: People
resent — rightly — what was done and how it was done. Many on the Tea Party
right and the Occupy left intuit that there exists a dysfunctional relationship
between Wall Street and Washington, though Senator Warren et al. maddeningly
believe that the way to ameliorate this is to invest Washington with even
greater powers, enabling even worse misbehavior and even more remorseless
rent-seeking. And those who bother to keep up with such things know that neither
Dodd-Frank nor anything else that has happened in Washington since the
financial crisis has in fact eliminated, or even reduced, the phenomenon of
financial institutions’ being considered — inevitable phrase — “too big to
fail.”
Here’s how the New York Times relates the cromnibus
skirmish to bailout politics: “The liberal base of the Democratic Party, led by
Ms. Warren, also found itself in an unlikely alliance with the Tea Party wing
of the Republican Party. Both opposed the Wall Street bailout of 2008 and
feared that the spending measure would not only provide a bounty for big banks
but would also help cause another economic crisis.”
Both opposed the Wall Street bailout of 2008?
One wonders which of these famous progressives the New
York Times has in mind when it states — as uncontested fact — that “the liberal
base of the Democratic party” “opposed the Wall Street bailout of 2008.”
Elizabeth Warren did not oppose the bailout per se, though she was critical of
the way the Treasury Department implemented it. The bailouts were enabled by
the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008, which enjoyed the support and
votes of Senator Barack Obama of Illinois, Senator Joe Biden of Delaware,
Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton of New York, Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi,
Senator Charles Schumer of New York, Representative Barney Frank of
Massachusetts, Senator Patrick Leahy of Vermont, Representative Jesse Jackson
of Illinois, Representative Sheila Jackson Lee of Texas, etc. The people who
actually opposed bailouts by voting against bailouts were not in the main
progressives, but were disproportionately conservative Republicans:
Representative Michele Bachmann of Minnesota, Representative Michael Burgess of
Texas, Representative Jeff Flake of Arizona, Senator Sam Brownback of Kansas,
Senator Jim DeMint of South Carolina, etc.
The Left, predictably, is captive to the hipster impulse:
“I opposed bailouts before it was cool” is the Democrats’ version of “I saw
Hüsker Dü at Jay’s Longhorn Bar.” Show me the ticket stubs.
The Tea Party came into being as a reaction to Republican
complicity in bailouts of all sorts: of Wall Street firms, and of irresponsible
mortgage borrowers. Occupy, and the potty-trained version of that movement led
by Elizabeth Warren, demands more bailouts: of people who borrowed money for
college or to buy a home, of fashionable corporations that do not want to pay
market rates for financing, etc. Senator Warren is an energetic proponent of
corporate welfare for Boeing, General Electric Bechtel, Caterpillar, and other
such poor, defenseless little mom-and-pop operations.
If you are looking for actual rather than theoretical
opposition to bailouts and corporate welfare, then your choices include Senator
Rand Paul and Senator Ted Cruz, but practically nobody who might be called a
progressive.
Nobody ever says he’s in favor of more bailouts or more
handouts to business interests, but every time you hear a politician trotting
out federal loan guarantees for certain businesses or targeted tax breaks for
others, that is what he is talking about. Senator Warren may dismiss the
revision to Dodd-Frank as a sop to big business, but she does not oppose sops
to big business —she only opposes the ones not originating on her side of the
aisle.
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