By Charles Krauthammer
Thursday, December 11, 2014
The report by Democrats on the Senate Intelligence
Committee regarding CIA interrogation essentially accuses the agency under
George W. Bush of war criminality. Committee chair Dianne Feinstein appears to
offer some extenuation when she reminds us in the report’s preamble of the
shock and “pervasive fear” felt after 9/11.
It’s a common theme (often echoed by President Obama):
Amid panic and disorientation, we lost our moral compass and made awful
judgments. The results are documented in the committee report. They must never
happen again.
It’s a kind of temporary-insanity defense for the Bush
administration. And it is not just unctuous condescension but hypocritical
nonsense. In the aftermath of 9/11, there was nothing irrational about
believing that a second attack was a serious possibility and therefore
everything should be done to prevent it. Indeed, this was the considered
opinion of the CIA, the administration, the congressional leadership, and the
American people.
Al-Qaeda had successfully mounted four major attacks on
American targets in the previous three years. The pace was accelerating and the
scale vastly increasing. The country then suffered a deadly anthrax attack of
unknown origin. Al-Qaeda was known to be seeking weapons of mass destruction.
We were so blindsided that we established a 9/11
commission to find out why. And we knew next to nothing about the enemy: its
methods, structure, intentions, plans. There was nothing morally deranged about
deciding as a nation to do everything necessary to find out what we needed to
prevent a repetition, or worse. As Feinstein said at the time, “We have to do
some things that historically we have not wanted to do to protect ourselves.”
Nancy Pelosi, then ranking member of the House
Intelligence Committee, was briefed about the interrogation program, including
the so-called torture techniques. As were the other intelligence-committee
leaders. “We understood what the CIA was doing,” wrote Porter Goss, Pelosi’s
chairman on the House committee. “We gave the CIA our bipartisan support; we
gave the CIA funding to carry out its activities.”
Democrat Jay Rockefeller, while the vice chairman of the
Senate Intelligence Committee, was asked in 2003 about turning over Khalid
Sheik Mohammed to countries known to torture. He replied: “I wouldn’t take
anything off the table where he is concerned.”
There was no uproar about this open countenancing of
torture-by-proxy. Which demonstrates not just the shamelessness of Democrats
today denouncing practices to which, at the time and at the very least, they
made no objection. It demonstrates also how near-consensual was the idea that
our national emergency might require extraordinary measures.
This is not to say that in carrying out the program there
weren’t abuses, excesses, mismanagement, and appalling mistakes (such as the
death in custody — unintended but still unforgivable — of two detainees). It is
to say that the root-and-branch denunciation of the program as, in principle,
unconscionable is not just hypocritical but ahistorical.
To make that case, to produce a prosecutorial brief so
entirely and relentlessly one-sided, the committee report (written solely by
Democrats) excluded any testimony from the people involved and variously
accused. None. No interviews, no hearings, no statements.
The excuse offered by the committee is that a parallel
Justice Department inquiry precluded committee interviews. Rubbish. That
inquiry ended in 2012. It’s December 2014. Why didn’t they take testimony in
the interval? Moreover, even during the DOJ investigation, the three CIA
directors and many other officials were exempt from any restrictions. Why
weren’t they interviewed?
Answer: So that committee Democrats could make their
indictment without contradiction. So they could declare, for example, the whole
program to be a failure that yielded no important information — a conclusion
denied by practically every major figure involved, including Democrat and
former CIA Director Leon Panetta; Obama’s current CIA director, John Brennan;
and three other CIA directors (including a Clinton appointee).
Perhaps, say the critics, but we’ll never know whether
less harsh interrogation would have sufficed.
So what was the Bush administration to do? Amid the
smoking ruins of Ground Zero, conduct a controlled experiment in gentle
interrogation and wait to see if we’d be hit again?
A nation attacked is not a laboratory for exquisite moral
experiments. It’s a trust to be protected, by whatever means meet and fit the
threat.
Accordingly, under the direction of the Bush
administration and with the acquiescence of congressional leadership, the CIA
conducted an uncontrolled experiment. It did everything it could, sometimes
clumsily, sometimes cruelly, indeed, sometimes wrongly.
But successfully. They kept us safe.
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