By Kevin D. Williamson
Tuesday, June 24, 2014
I have heard it argued that the San Francisco Bay Area is
not only the nation’s but the world’s most desirable metropolis. I don’t buy
that for a minute, but it’s not entirely implausible. There’s great natural
beauty, and many of the world’s most creative people and institutions choose to
make the area their home. It’s pricey by American standards but still a bargain
by global standards. Like New York City in its golden age, it is a glorious
collision between culture and money.
Let’s assume that the Bay Area partisans are correct in
their high estimation of the metropolis. What might we do with that
information? Why not pass a law requiring everybody in the United States to
live there? As with the Affordable Care Act’s approach to health insurance, we
wouldn’t be forcing an inferior product on people; we’d be forcing them to drop
their second-rate cities for something better. Sorry, Cleveland — you can’t keep
your crappy city, so deal with it. There would be some great economies of scale
at work, and there are well-known economic benefits associated with population
density, which we’d have in spades with a population of 300 million. (Though if
we define the Bay Area broadly, we’d still have a lower population density than
Manhattan, on average.) We could drop altogether thousands and thousands of
redundancies — of school districts, police departments, fire departments,
planning and zoning codes, tax laws, city councils. The rest of the country
could be turned into farmland or left to revert to wilderness. Think of the
efficiency we could achieve.
Once we’ve decided where everybody should live, we can
move on to the question of what they should eat. Father Henri Nouwen, calling
it “an example of American pragmatism that makes you cry,” tells the story of a
Scripture-minded biologist who, taking inspiration from the Biblical
description of Israel as the “land flowing with milk and honey,” goes on an
all-milk-and-honey diet to test whether that is in fact the ideal human
nutritional model. After the scurvy set in, he suggested that maybe the Bible
should be amended to describe Israel as the “land flowing with milk and honey
plus ten ounces of orange juice.”
Perhaps that’s not the way to go. We might consider the
USDA’s thinking here, or the economic case for the “cheapest, most nutritious,
most bountiful food in human history,” that being the McDonald’s double
cheeseburger. It may take some experimentation and consultation with the
experts, but, after we’ve figured out what everybody should eat, think, again,
of all the redundancies we can eliminate, the resources we can redirect into
more productive uses, the breathtaking manageability of a nation where everybody
lives in the same city and eats the same dinner. You could combine all the best
aspects of a Singapore or a Hong Kong with the pitiless efficiency of a
fast-food franchise. You want to bend the cost curve down, you don’t consult
Congress — you consult McDonald’s.
The Bay Area has a pretty good mass-transit
infrastructure, but we’re probably still going to want some cars, the obvious
leading candidate here being the Toyota Prius — it’s already popular in the
area, gets great mileage, is consistently rated one of the most reliable cars,
doesn’t take up too much parking space, etc. Given the generally pleasant
climate, no need to worry about four-wheel-drive or the like. Do we really even
need a vote on that? It’s the Prius — and we can buy in bulk at a huge discount,
presumably; call it single-payer personal locomotion.
So everybody lives in and around San Francisco, everybody
eats McDonald’s double cheeseburgers, and everybody drives a Prius, everybody
drinks one beer chosen by the experts — maybe that’s not the utopia you had in
mind, but you could make a pretty good empirical case that this arrangement
represents the right metropolis, the right food, and the right car, etc.
It is easy to see that these results are absurd. For
example, sending 300 million people to live in the Bay Area might change some
of the things that people like about the region. (But sending millions of
people into the health-insurance market will have a negligible effect on
prices, market structure, or incentives? Right?) Fine, pick your own answer —
but it is important to recognize that the real absurdity here is not in the
answer to each question, but in the question itself. The idea that there exists
a single “right” urban cluster or a single “right” automobile or meal fails to
take into account any number of variables, not least of which is the fact that
people do not all want or need uniformly the same things, and that it is not
really our business to tell them what they should want, even when we believe we
know better — even when we have a pretty good body of evidence suggesting that
we know better.
But then how is it that we have come to believe that
there is a single “right” model of education, a single “right” minimum
health-insurance package, a single “right” minimum price for a gallon of milk
or an hour’s labor, or a single “right” choice among the millions upon millions
of options in areas in which politicians insist that what is needed is
uniformity and consistency based on whatever happens to pass for empirical
evidence at any given moment? How is it that, in a world in which the software
we use for so many important tasks in our professional and personal lives is
updated every few weeks (or even more often), we have 20-year programs for
organizing health care, retirements, and more? There are billions of economic
relationships between American people and firms and their counterparts in China
alone — but there’s one right set of relationships among them? Think about it
for two seconds and it is self-evidently false.
“How should we do x?” The main problem is not the answer,
but the question itself, and the assumptions behind that question, the belief
that an answer exists.
Some policies must, by their nature, be implemented at
the national level. If you’re going to have a sovereign nation-state, you need
a national defense apparatus (which is not to say you need our national-defense
apparatus; there are alternatives), and you probably need a national
immigration policy, etc. The basic architecture of the current American constitutional
order, which is a remarkably wise and intelligent piece of work, contemplates
national policies in those areas in which the several states interact with
foreign powers and in those cases in which the states cannot coordinate efforts
or resolve disputes among themselves on their own. That, along with some
18th-century anachronisms (post roads, etc.) and some awful economic
superstitions (political management of trade, a political monopoly on the
issuance of currency), constitutes most of what the federal government is in
theory there to do. That and fighting pirates and others committing “felonies
on the high seas,” of course, which is awesome, and we can all feel patriotic
about fighting pirates.
But . . . if we look at federal programs by budget share,
almost nothing that Washington does requires a national policy. There’s
national defense, of course, at around 20 percent of spending; you may believe,
as I do, that that number is probably too high, but national defense is a
legitimate national endeavor. But most federal spending is on various
entitlement programs — Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, and various other
welfare benefits. There is not much reason for any of these programs to exist
at all — government is a criminally inept pension planner and a thoroughly
incompetent insurance company — and there is very little reason for any of them
to exist as uniform, one-size-fits-all national programs. Start digging into
that non-defense discretionary spending and you end up with very little more than
a catalog of crony payoffs and political favoritism.
There is no more reason to believe that a single
government-run pension scheme is in each individual’s best interest than to
believe that a single city or single model of car is right for everybody. And
the people who design and plan these programs know that. The point of Social
Security — like the point of insisting that health insurance is “a right”
rather than a consumer good — is to redefine the relationship between citizen
and state. That is the real rationale for a national pension scheme or a
national insurance policy. For several generations now, we’ve been changing the
very idea of what it means to be an American citizen. It used to mean being
entitled to enjoy liberty and republican self-governance under the
Constitution. Eventually, it came to mean being eligible for Social Security,
functionally if not formally. Now it means being eligible for Obamacare. The
name of the project may change every generation, and its totems may evolve from
Bismarck to Marx to “the experts” — that legion of pointy-headed Caesars who
are to be the final authority in all matters in dispute — but the dream remains
the same: society as one big factory under the management of enlightened men
with extraordinary powers of compulsion.
There is a great deal that is distasteful — positively
repugnant — about 21st-century American life. I do not understand why many of
my fellow citizens like the things they like or want the things they want. A
few times a year, I force myself to watch a reality-television show, and I’m
generally ready to emigrate by the time the credits roll. I do not get the
values, interests, and preferences of people who are keeping up with the
Kardashians. And I am frequently bewildered by their economic decisions and political
preferences. But isn’t that a case against having me make decisions for them
rather than an argument for that proposition? It takes a very special kind of
arrogance to believe the opposite. “Of all tyrannies, a tyranny sincerely
exercised for the good of its victims may be the most oppressive,” C. S. Lewis
argued. “It would be better to live under robber barons than under omnipotent
moral busybodies. The robber baron’s cruelty may sometimes sleep, his cupidity
may at some point be satiated; but those who torment us for our own good will
torment us without end for they do so with the approval of their own
conscience.” Or, as the somewhat less authoritative commentator (and son of the
Bay Area) Jello Biafra put it: “Shut up, be happy.”
And have a cheeseburger.
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