By Peter Morici
Tuesday, June 17, 2014
U.S. foreign policy is failing.
Russia is pushing into the Ukraine and threatening
Eastern Europe, China is bullying Japan, the Philippines and Vietnam in the
East and South China seas, and terrorist groups in the Middle East and Africa
can be displaced in one place only to multiply and create more lethal threats
in others.
Since the end of the Cold War, both Democratic and
Republican administrations have in varying measure premised policy on the
notion that economic incentives and other soft power can cultivate peaceable
democracies throughout the world and friendly societies adhering to Western
liberal values.
The United States and Western Europe have offered China,
Russia and developing countries access to markets, investment, foreign aid and
technical cooperation but in many venues, those have yielded few results other
than to finance threats to our common security.
China remains an authoritarian regime led by an
oligarchy—the Communist Party—with a poor human rights record. Its superior
economic performance, greatly assisted by trade with the United States, and the
material gains enjoyed by its citizens virtually ensures the party’s continued
grip on power. However, Beijing sees American influence in the western Pacific
as a threat and is actively challenging U.S. naval superiority.
Vladimir Putin and his loose coalition of oligarchs
appear more interested in restoring lost empire and amassing wealth at the top
than genuinely improving the lot of ordinary citizens. They are happy to sell
natural gas to Europe to finance those ambitions but don’t count on
international commerce to make Russia a benign actor.
If America doesn’t match China’s navy and Russia’s army
with resources and forceful actions when challenged, those rivals will prevail
in their regional ambitions.
Still President Obama is correct to warn flexing military
muscle is not a stabilizing solution everywhere—especially the Middle East and
Africa.
Perhaps Iraq best epitomizes the dilemmas terrorism
poses. If the United States provides air support or puts troops on the ground
to defend Bagdad, it may halt the advance of the Islamic State of Iraq and
Syria but it can’t defeat it.
The ISIS is a curious hybrid of terror organization and
brutal organized army that can hold territory and potentially topple a
government, but does not regularly mass forces that can be destroyed in the
field by a western army. If stymied, its fighters will simply move to others
venue, like the civil war in Syria.
Western democracies long ago assigned religion a
subordinate role. The state claims sovereignty from citizen consent—not by
appealing to divine right.
For many Muslims, religion and state legitimacy are
inseparable, and throughout the Middle East and Africa, many are willing to die
to destroy democratic governments that could subordinate the authority of Islam
to secular governments. And ethnic rivalries are often cast in terms of
religion.
Without democratic institutions that place individual
freedoms above religion, it is hard to see how competing claims of historically
conflicting ethnic groups can be resolved and civil wars ended. Nor animus
toward the West and acts of terror stopped.
Neither economic engagement by the West nor American
foreign aid can change those facts on the ground. Radical Islam is premised on
widely held ideas, and ideas are tough to destroy with armies.
In the end, the United States must recognize it is in for
a long slog fighting terrorism in the Middle East and Africa. No amount of
national building and economic aid will change that, but sometimes it can make
matters worse.
Sadly, armies and navies still trump economics. Americans
will have to pay the price or face menacing threats to their security at home
and interests abroad.
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