By Jonah Goldberg
Wednesday, February 26, 2014
Down with stakeholders.
The American Academy of Pediatrics has come out against
affordable health care for kids. Retail medical clinics -- at drugstores,
Walmarts, etc. -- are cropping up across the nation, thanks in part to the
expected longer waiting times and out-of-pocket expenses stemming from
Obamacare. And the pediatricians don't like it. "While retail clinics may
be more convenient and less costly, the AAP said they are detrimental to the
concept of a 'medical home,' where patients have a personal physician who knows
them well and coordinates all their care," reported the Wall Street
Journal. You say "medical home," I say locked-in customers.
Tomayto-tomahto.
The pediatricians have a point, albeit a weak one. You
can't say the same about teachers unions, whose top priorities are to take care
of their members, even when such care comes at the expense of students. In New
York City, the passion from teachers unions is all aimed at pay raises, killing
charter schools and keeping rules that make it harder to get rid of incompetents,
criminals and even, occasionally, sexual predators.
In Michigan, until reforms from Republican leaders kicked
in, the Service Employees International Union, with the help of state
Democrats, claimed parents of disabled kids were "union members" just
so the union could skim "dues" from Medicaid payments to parents who
served as their kids' health-care providers.
I cite these examples because they involve children, the
constituency everyone claims should come first. But this dynamic is endemic to
society. The sugar lobby bilks taxpayers to subsidize an industry that
shouldn't exist in the United States. The life insurance industry lobbies to
keep inheritance taxes because, after all, people buy their products to avoid
such taxes. The health insurance industry remains bought-in, literally and
figuratively, to Obamacare because the prospect of becoming the equivalent of
guaranteed-profitable utilities is worth the headaches of government
incompetence.
When I say that this dynamic is endemic to society, I do
not mean endemic under President Obama, or under America or under capitalism.
It is a natural human tendency. The augurs of ancient Rome fought any attempt
to break their monopoly on divine prophecy by studying the flights and entrails
of birds. The Luddites declared war on the machines, long before anyone had
heard of Skynet, because the Luddites were market incumbents being ousted by
new, and better, technology. Taxi drivers are trying to use the law to fend off
companies like Uber. Every occupational group that pushes for the licensing or
regulating of its industry does it, at least in part, to keep competition out.
The standard left-wing complaint is to blame only big
business and capitalism. But if you don't think that exact sort of thing
happens under socialist and communist systems, you don't know anything about
those systems.
Despite a century of anti-corporate rhetoric about the
power of corporations, they actually come and go with amazing rapidity (Only 13
percent of firms on the Fortune 500 list in 1955 were there in 2011).
But government is forever. The state has the unique
ability to protect existing "stakeholders" from the threats posed by
innovation and competition, whether those stakeholders are businesses or
unions, fat cats or philanthropies. That's where the votes are and where the
checks comes from.
But progress -- material, medical, economic -- comes from
innovation. Economist Deirdre McCloskey notes that until the 19th century,
innovation was a negative word because innovators upset the established order
and the powers that be.
In her wonderful book "Bourgeois Dignity: Why
Economics Can't Explain the Modern World," McCloskey describes how for all
of human history, humans lived on about $3 a day, using today's dollars. For
200,000 years, the line was essentially flat until around 1800, when a culture
that valued innovation spread from England to Europe and the New World. Since
then, wealth has skyrocketed, all thanks to a culture willing to let innovators
pull up the stakes of the existing stakeholders.
In Silicon Valley, where government's touch is light, we
can see the rapidity of innovation at work. In health care, education and other
areas where the government's hand is heavy, we see stakeholders holding on for
dear life.
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