By Jonah Goldberg
Wednesday, January 01, 2025
Donald Trump has promised to do many things once he
reoccupies the White House. Among the most famous, and most desired by his
biggest fans, is his vow to “drain the swamp” and “demolish
the deep state.”
The first and arguably most important challenge for such
a project is definitional. What is the deep state? And what is the swamp? Are
they different? How so?
Trump doesn’t have a clear answer. He often uses the
terms interchangeably. And he’s not alone. Many in the media do the same.
That’s understandable if you try to put yourself inside
Trump’s head (something I don’t necessarily recommend). During his first
administration, he was repeatedly undermined
by leaks and other schemes from within the federal bureaucracy, including his
own Cabinet. Whether this was the work of the “deep state” or the “swamp” is
something of a tomayto-tomahto distinction for someone who divides the world
into friends and enemies. But any serious effort to get rid of either one
requires making distinctions.
As the metaphor implies, the swamp is a hot, humid,
malarial ecosystem teeming with all manner of critters, each with its own
self-interested agenda. (And if you’ve spent a summer in D.C., you know the
term has more than figurative verisimilitude.) The idea of the nation’s capital
being a pestilent redoubt where politicians go native once they contract “Potomac
fever”
has been around for generations. George W. Bush’s administration even issued a
handy memo
to his staff on how to spot signs of infection.
The term “deep state,” on the other hand, conjures a
colder, more sterile image of disciplined, professional, secretive operators
networked across government and united around a single, nefarious agenda.
The biggest difference between these two concepts is the
most important one: The swamp exists; the deep state doesn’t.
My Dispatch colleague Kevin D. Williamson has likened
the deep state to the term “Vikings,” a catchall for a disparate “collection of
pirates, traders, slavers, settlers, squabbling potentates” and others. Vikings
fought Vikings all the time because the Vikings were not a monolithic or
unified group.
And neither are the warring factions and fiefdoms that
make up Washington. For instance, the Wall Street Journal recently reported
intense infighting among and within various intelligence agencies over the
origins of COVID-19. The FBI—deep state HQ, according to many in Trump
World—was fairly convinced that the pandemic started with a lab leak, the
newspaper reported, but competing agencies conspired to keep that verdict from
reaching the president’s ears.
The whole idea that the deep state is an evil
organization, like Hydra in the Marvel comics or SPECTRE in the James Bond
movies, is little more than a conspiracy theory. It’s based on the bizarre
assumption that government bureaucrats and political operatives are incredibly
competent and disciplined at doing supersecret stuff but fairly incompetent and
lazy in their day jobs.
Then there’s the swamp. This catchall term describes
something real: Washington’s vast, cacophonous conglomeration of favor-dealing,
rent-seeking, back-scratching, self-dealing, special-pleading interests. The
Founders called them “factions.”
What makes the swamp so hard to drain is the collusion
between the state and these factions. Real savings won’t come from purging the
federal bureaucracy, a workforce that hasn’t grown appreciably since the 1960s.
As the political scientist John J. DiIulio Jr. recently noted,
a huge share of the bureaucracy consists of contract managers for
private-sector firms. Businesses and nonprofits—from defense contractors to
health care systems—employ more than three times as many people who ultimately
get paid by taxpayers as the federal government does.
Those factions are also political constituencies. And
that’s why I suspect we will hear a lot more about fighting the deep state in
2025 than we will about draining the swamp. The nice thing about conspiracy
theories is that they can’t be disproved. Blaming failures on shadowy forces is
standard fare for politicians because angering their constituencies is hard.
Besides, there’s little evidence that Trump has any
desire to drain the swamp so much as to reward those swamp creatures he likes.
Industrial policy and protectionism, two of his top priorities, are among the
oldest forms of swampiness because they create vast new markets for exemptions,
subsidies and anti-competitive lobbying. Indeed, the proliferation of Big Tech
moguls and cryptocurrency speculators around Trump makes it seem as if
Mar-a-Lago is subsiding into the Everglades before our eyes.
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