By Jim Geraghty
Friday, August 21, 2020
You may not particularly like Joe Biden or the Democrats,
but by a lot of measures, the first major-party convention held during the
coronavirus pandemic worked. Technical snafus were relatively rare. Most of the
speakers adjusted to the lack of an audience, keeping their remarks shorter
than usual and deemphasizing the applause lines. There were a few fun moments,
like Rhode
Island’s prominent calamari platter, and a genuinely stirring moment when Braydon Harrington
demonstrated his determination to overcome his stutter.
But the convention also inadvertently showcased the gap
between what the Democratic Party likes to believe it is and what it actually
is.
When Democrats get nostalgic about their past presidents,
it is almost always for the younger, bold ones who represented a generational
change, such as John F. Kennedy, Bill Clinton, and Barack Obama. Democrats like
to think of themselves as the daring party, the vanguard of a vast new
revolution, one that is ready to transform the country today with a Green New
Deal, Medicare for All, and a new, diverse self-image for America. Democrats
see themselves as woke, but in keeping with America’s traditions; innovative,
but reliable; inclusive, but never divisive . . .
. . . and they’re nominating Joe Biden, one of the oldest
members of the Washington establishment they could find, whose specialty is the
usual everything-but-the-kitchen-sink spending bills put together by slapping
backs behind closed doors on Capitol Hill and making sure every little interest
group gets its carve-out.
This is the party that likes to see itself as a force for
change, nominating just about the most business-as-usual figure imaginable.
A lot of this disparity centers on the primary voters’
choice to nominate Biden, but some of it rests at the feet of the DNC and
convention organizers. If you closed your eyes and ignored the older faces, you
might think you were watching a C-SPAN rerun of convention footage from the
1990s: Christie Todd Whitman, Susan Molinari, John Kasich, Chuck Hagel, Colin
Powell, John Kerry . . . And the non-cameo modern leaders of the party beyond
Biden are just plain old. Nancy Pelosi is 80. Bernie Sanders turns 79 next
month. Jim Clyburn just turned 80. Chuck Schumer is “the young one” in
Democratic leadership, and he turns 70 in November.
Democrats in the Baby Boomer generation were shaped by
the protests against Vietnam and LBJ and Richard Nixon, and drugs and the
counterculture, and still love to think of themselves as a rowdy and defiant
band of youthful, idealistic, uncompromising rebels. But the Democrats in that
age group have been running the show since Bill Clinton’s first term.
Progressivism stopped being the counterculture a long time ago; now it’s the
culture.
Who is left for Democrats to rebel against, beyond the
president? The Democrats envision themselves as punching up against the
convenient villains in Hollywood movies, the evil corporate executives, the
powerful lobbyists, the greedy billionaires. But the odd catch is that none of
those forces want to play along in that narrative.
Corporate America wants to be woke. The typical chief
executive of a big American corporation these days is someone like former
Starbucks CEO Howard Schultz, eager to explain his commitment to environmental
sustainability, gay rights, and racial equality, his deep concern about “gun
violence,” and his wish to create a society that welcomes immigrants, with no
specification about legal status. Washington, D.C.’s “K Street” community of
professional lobbyists made
its peace with Democratic administrations and congressional majorities a long
time ago. Two of the final Democratic presidential candidates were
billionaires, and other billionaires describe
themselves as “avowed socialists” without a trace of irony.
The United States is still bedeviled by powerful and
malevolent figures, men such as Harvey Weinstein and Jeffrey Epstein and Ed
Buck and Eric Schneiderman. But cases like that raise a host of uncomfortable
questions for the people who have been running the Democratic Party for
decades. The Democrats’ collective willingness to stand up to abominable
behavior is so conditional, they’re learned how to live with a governor who
wore either blackface or a Klan hood in his younger years and a lieutenant
governor accused of rape by two women.
There aren’t many openly hostile powerful forces left for
Democrats to “punch up” in opposition, beyond President Trump — whose political
capital is just about spent. Every once in a while they find a federal judge
who strikes them as just too openly religious and declare, “the dogma lives
loudly within you.”
By and large, the modern Democrats spend a lot more time
punching down — against people who dare express bad thoughts on social media,
against a baker who doesn’t want to bake a cake for a gay wedding, against gun
owners and people who think local regulations on masks and public gatherings
are turning into the public-health equivalent of the Transportation Security
Agency’s “security theater.” The QAnon conspiracy theorists are wrong and
deranged. But they’re not powerful.
Way back in 2012, Jake Tapper — then with ABC News, now
with CNN — reviewed Aaron Sorkin’s short-lived television series The
Newsroom. Tapper observed that the creator could conceive of only one kind
of villain: “It’s all well and good to follow the Koch brothers’ money, but at
a time when Democrats controlled the White House and both houses of Congress,
it’s telling that [the protagonist Will] McAvoy and Sorkin aim their sights at
conservatives seeking power — not moderates and liberals wielding it . . . McAvoy
— and, by extension, Sorkin — preach political selflessness, but they practice
pure partisanship; they extol the Fourth Estate’s democratic duty, but they
believe that responsibility consists mostly of criticizing Republicans.”
Aaron Sorkin’s televised fiction is a pretty good
indicator of the way many Democrats see themselves and the world — or how they
want to see themselves and the world. This week’s convention showed that
Democrats are still reading from a script where they’re the plucky underdog
outsiders, the young rebels, the force of change coming to shake up the
calcified ways of business in Washington.
Biden and the Democrats are offering an odd echo of
Trump’s outsider themes from four years ago, pledging to “build back better!” —
which does not sound all that different from “make America great again” — and
to end the Trump administration’s corruption — which does not sound all that
different from “drain the swamp.” Biden, the seven-term senator and two-term
vice president, the multimillionaire with all the issues of his family cashing
in on their connection to him, pledges he’ll be the one who can restore
“fairness over privilege.”
The fight against the new order is coming . . . from the
old order.
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