By Kevin D. Williamson
Sunday, November 23, 2014
My mother was, in her modest way, an Ayn Rand villain,
someone who lived by the moral principle that John Galt mockingly summarized:
“It is your need that gives you a claim to rewards.” She believed that being
poor gave one a warrant to exploit any situation to one’s own material benefit.
The results of this were generally comical, if cringe-inducing: On the few
occasions upon which we found ourselves staying in motels, she and her husband
would steal practically everything that was not nailed down: towels, bathrobes,
ashtrays — this was in the pre-Enlightenment era, when hotel rooms still had
ashtrays and Gideon Bibles. Come to think of it, there were a couple of Gideon
Bibles in our house, too, the provenance of which was suspicious. This belief
was not limited to economic concerns: She was an enthusiastic partisan of the
intentional, strategic foul in football, and of the proposition that athletes
should attempt, when possible, to inflict disabling injuries on their
opponents. Having been initiated into the ancient mystery cult that is West
Texas high-school football, I knew these beliefs to be barbarous, heretical.
The Lubbock High School Westerners had a fine long tradition of losing with
honor.
I have seen a high-school football coach refuse to shake
the hand of his opposite number after a football game in response to perceived
affronts to sportsmanship, and that’s a serious thing. (They take it seriously
in that other kind of football, too.) It’s basically Sampson biting his thumb
at Abraham in the opening of Romeo and Juliet. “When good manners shall lie all
in one or two men’s hands, and they unwashed, too, ’tis a foul thing.” You
don’t shake hands with somebody who has behaved dishonorably.
I do not think I would shake hands with Barack Obama.
My friend Jay Nordlinger describes the president as
operating according to what we might call the Warhol Doctrine: “Democracy is
what you can get away with.” And why shouldn’t he? A lawyer or 20 could make a
plausible legal case that the president is legally permitted to proceed as he
has (and also that the law clearly forbids this, which is why the analysis of
lawyers is of limited interest to me), just as you could make a case that,
old-fashioned ideas about sportsmanship or gentlemanly behavior be damned, if
the rules of the game make intentional fouls strategically useful, then one
should commit those fouls when doing so is desirable.
This is, as many have pointed out, a problematic line of
argument. The Congress would be legally within its rights to, e.g., refuse to
fund government operations, filibuster in the Senate every single appointment
that President Obama attempts to make, impeach him and everybody he has
appointed to office, declare war on Canada and Togo, pass a law requiring that
all future U.S. coinage be made out of papier-mâché and glitter, etc. Why
shouldn’t Republicans impeach the president? There are practical considerations,
of course: They probably would fail to convict him. But practical
considerations are not the only considerations — surely there are higher and
worthier motives at work than mere political calculation.
What stops a defensive tackle from intentionally injuring
a halfback even if he thinks he can get away with it — even if he is willing to
suffer the consequences of the foul — is sportsmanship. What stops a politician
from adopting a what-you-can-get-away-with strategy is, under normal
circumstances, patriotism. Congress forgoes impeaching the president every time
it would be convenient for the legislative majority to do so not merely out of
narrow self-interest, but because doing so would violate our constitutional
principles even if the letter of the law could be interpreted to permit that
course of action. It would be bad for the country. In an elected official,
patriotism means, among other things, elevating the interests of the country
above the interests of party and career. President Obama has failed to do that,
seems personally incapable of doing that, and in fact has done the opposite. He
might be reminded, at the very least, that his presidential duty is to the
citizens of the United States, not to citizens of other countries, regardless
of where they happen to be located at any given moment. But the very idea of
taking that seriously seems foreign to him.
We already knew that Barack Obama is a coward – a man
who, to take one obvious example, pronounced himself opposed to gay marriage
right up until the millisecond that political calculation demanded he do
otherwise, and who now believes that it is mandated by the Constitution. His
putting off his amnesty announcement until after the election – and his
dishonest refusal to acknowledge that it is an amnesty – is another example. We
already knew that he is a liar (“If you like your coverage . . . ”) and have
some reason to suspect that he is a fool. But the fundamental problem is that
he is a lawyer, one without the intellectual or moral equipment to be anything
more than a litigator of the picayune. For President Obama and his enablers,
the law is a species of magic: He is entitled to do whatever he pleases, even
when it plainly violates both the national interest and our longstanding habits
of government, if he can simply think of a way to say the right words in the
right order as he acts. That isn’t governance – that’s alchemical hokum,
transforming the dross of Democratic political ambition into pure gold.
There are many defects with that model of government, but
the largest one is that the words “illegal” and “legal” no longer have any
meaning. If a sufficiently powerful person or faction demands that the illegal
should be the legal, then it is so. Never mind the law – and certainly never
mind the lawmakers, who are increasingly irrelevant in our emerging Gaullist,
strongman form of government. Charles de Gaulle and his supporters at least had
the intellectual honesty to call that form of government what it is: rule by
decree.
And he may yet get away with it. But a wiser and better
man would not try to.
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