By Tom Rogan
Monday, October 06, 2014
Alan Henning, a taxi driver from northern England,
traveled to Syria on four separate occasions. Each time, he had a simple
mission: save the lives of strangers and alleviate terrible human suffering.
Unlike so many of us, Alan Henning gave everything to his mission. As the BBC
notes, when driving to Syria in poor health, Henning refused to stay in hotels.
He believed the savings would be better spent spreading hope.
A man of particular decency, Alan Henning was murdered by
the Islamic State.
His killer was the British thug-turned-beheader commonly
known as “Jihadi John” — or as I call him, the masked coward (MC). U.S.
intelligence knows his identity. They just don’t know where he is.
In part, that’s because IS has learned from the experience
of al-Qaeda in Iraq. Aware of U.S. intelligence capabilities, IS limits its use
of cell phones, the Internet, and other electronic communications. But it’s
also because intelligence services have other priorities, such as identifying
IS leadership figures, logistics centers, and military formations. In short,
the hunt for MC is strained by competing resources.
Nevertheless, for three reasons, locating the masked
killer must take on a new urgency.
First, MC has taken on major propaganda importance for the
Islamic State. As a masked Western servant of al-Baghdadi’s
part-psychotic/part-Salafi extremist ideology, MC symbolizes IS’s global
identity. His repeated faceless appearances provide a powerful political
persona. To the West, MC represents every unknown IS terrorist: the lurking
enemy. To IS supporters, MC seems to prove ordained protection: “If he has
survived this long,” IS propagandists assert, “God clearly watches over us.” As
I’ve explained before, this same principle underlines why the U.S. had to
attack IS in its capital, Raqqa: IS’s mythology must be smashed. Until that
happens, IS’s recruitment narrative — Grand Theft Auto V in the flesh — will
advance comfortably.
Second, it’s probable that ending MC would have a
significant operational impact on IS. The fact that MC keeps appearing in
hostage videos suggests he’s geographically near the remaining hostages. After
the recent Obama-administration leaks, the hostages are now probably being held
in or around Raqqa.
As a stronghold urban environment, Raqqa offers IS some
protection from coalition Special Forces. Still, were the coalition to escalate
its hunt for MC, the effort might also locate the hostages or other high-value
IS targets — or at least disrupt the organization’s beheading routine. Until
now, IS has reliably beheaded one hostage and threatened another every couple
of weeks. Forcefully challenging this death schedule would thus send a resolute
American signal to the group: We’re coming for you. Other coalition partners
would help support this prioritized MC tasking.
Third, it’s clear that the coalition needs a major,
symbolic physical victory. After all, stemming IS power will require more than
a few air strikes. At present, the Islamic State casts a shadow of fear over
the Middle East — and to some degree, also the West. That must change. If the
coalition were to finish off MC, we’d seize the strategic initiative. Moreover,
MC’s demise would rebut notions of Western weakness and give IS minions proof
of our democratic resolve. Remember, this strategy has a case study: Al-Qaeda
in Iraq never fully recovered from the death of its enigmatic leader, Abu Musab
al-Zarqawi, who was found by a U.S.-Jordanian hunter force.
Prioritizing the hunt for MC won’t be easy or without
cost. But for joined moral and strategic reasons, the beheader’s time has come.
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