By Madeleine Kearns
Tuesday, July 23, 2019
In his victory speech, the newly elected Tory leader and
British prime minister, Boris Johnson, reiterated his campaign slogan: deliver
Brexit, unite the country, defeat Jeremy Corbyn. That spells “dud” — ho ho — so
Johnson added an extra “e” for good measure.
“DUDE!” he said. “We are going to ENERGIZE the country!”
Great, dude! But, as always, how?
One can forgive Johnson’s optimistic outburst. He had
just beaten his rival Jeremy Hunt two-to-one. With 66 percent of the vote
share, Johnson secured the largest majority by any leader of a political party
since 2005. And prime minister has been Johnson’s dream role since childhood.
However, winning the Tory-party leadership contest was
the easy part.
Johnson has inherited an almost fatally precarious
parliamentary majority. Out of 639 voting MPs, the government needs 320 to
secure a majority. There are currently 312 conservatives, plus ten MPs from the
Northern Irish Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) who are lending their support.
In other words, the government has a working majority of just two MPs.
One of whom has just been suspended from the party pending an investigation
into sexual misconduct.
Being reliant on the DUP for support comes with problems
of its own. The Irish backstop — an ostensibly temporary customs union and
non-negotiable condition of the EU’s withdrawal agreement with Theresa May — is
loathed by the DUP, largely owing to the effect it would have on the integrity
of the union. The DUP is, rightly, fearful that under this arrangement,
Northern Ireland would be treated under a separate regulatory system from the
rest of the U.K.
However, both the EU and the Republic of Ireland insist
that the backstop is essential in order to prevent a return to a hard border in
Ireland. The Irish question was one of the main deadlocks that Theresa May found
herself in when trying to secure a deal. And just as it was for May, it will be
impossible for Johnson to please everyone.
So, given the fragility of the numbers, whose approval
should he prioritize? And what happens if he loses his majority? Answering these
questions requires going back to basics. As always, there are only two kinds of
Brexit.
1. A deal.
This would need to be negotiated between the British
government and the EU and gain Parliament’s approval. Which is back to square
one with the numbers problem.
In other words, Johnson is now tasked with achieving in
100 days what Theresa May was unable to achieve in three years. An added
pressure is that Johnson has promised that Britain will leave the EU by the
next deadline — October 31 — “do or die.” Which doesn’t leave much wiggle room.
Will he be able to get a better deal than May? And if he
can’t do much better, will he be a better parliamentary salesman? Michel
Barnier, the EU’s chief negotiator, promptly extended an invitation to talk
with Johnson after his victory. Time will tell.
2. No deal.
Simply put, no deal means leaving without the EU’s say-so.
But no deal without the backing of Parliament is another thing entirely.
Yesterday MPs voted to block the government from proroguing Parliament in order
to force through a no-deal Brexit.
The Remainer Tory ministers of the “rebel alliance,”
including the former chancellor of exchequer and justice secretary, have
indicated that they are willing to vote to bring down the government if that is
what is required to avoid a no-deal Brexit. Johnson has since had private
meetings with this cabal in an attempt to dissuade them. But that’s unlikely to
be enough. The Times of London reports that “pro-European backbenchers
believe as many as 20 Tory MPs could vote to bring down Mr Johnson’s government
if he attempts to force Britain to leave the European Union without a deal.”
All of these problems would suggest that’s what’s needed
— if not inevitable — is what both critics and supporters of Johnson have been
advocating for some time: a general election. Of course, with the competition
of the Brexit party and the revived Liberal Democrats, this could seriously
backfire for a Johnson government. Yet some think it is in his best interests
to call one sooner rather than later. If it’s going to happen, better for him
to lead the way.
In terms of delivering Brexit, uniting the country, and
defeating Corbyn, the Johnson premiership is marked as high risk and high
reward.
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