By Nate Hochman
Friday, July 05, 2019
The dominant assumption in conservative circles is that
college campuses are left-wing echo chambers with little room for dissenting
opinion. But this assumption misses a host of previously apolitical or liberal
college students who are voluntarily seeking out conservative thought as an
alternative to the contemporary liberal-arts curriculum.
The leading figures of this movement, known colloquially
as the Intellectual Dark Web, are a loose assortment of young intellectuals who
have gained notoriety for articulating opposition to some aspect of what they
see as the porous narratives of identity politics, The IDW has become an
industry of sorts — Ben Shapiro, Jordan Peterson, and Joe Rogan are wildly
popular — and it is leading something of a quiet grassroots insurgency against
campus intelligentsia throughout America. As a collective, the IDW provides
college students with an alternative to the intersectional narrative that is
the foundation of the contemporary progressive belief system. Identity politics
is not gospel, they say, and it is not mandatory to accept its premises as
unquestionable truth. To be sure, so far there is no readily available evidence
that demonstrates the ubiquity of this movement, but the explosive popularity
of many IDW members — particularly among young people — makes it difficult to
conclude that their influence is not significant.
At first glance, it may be difficult to identify any
uniform ideological trait they all share. The IDW contains religious
conservatives and liberal atheists alike; its diverse cohort includes
traditionalists, rationalist liberals, gay comedians, libertarian potheads, and
others. Jonah Goldberg wrote last year that members of the IDW are unified only
by their objection to the corrosive dogmas of trendy discourse and by the fact
that they have all provoked the ire of those who espouse them.
Yet this new class of intellectuals serves for many as
the new gatekeeper to the Right. Through them, many college students — myself
included — have found their way to Edmund Burke. And to the convert whose
access to the conservative tradition came through this cohort of thinkers, it
is no coincidence that, despite the variety of political beliefs espoused by
individual members of the IDW, they often lead many of their followers to a
more traditionalist conservatism.
Though not all in the IDW are conservatives in the
contemporary political sense, and not all of their young acolytes wind up
identifying as such, the IDW reflects a deeply conservative impulse that is
more fundamental than surface-level disagreements about one’s political
sympathies or policy preferences.
For many young converts, the path to conservatism begins
at a knee-jerk reaction to the contemporary Left: a feeling that its assertions
must be wrong, with little understanding of exactly why. Jordan
Peterson, Ben Shapiro, and others in this new intellectual movement offer the
most coherent, thoughtful, and eminently rational explanation for this
disposition. In many ways, the Intellectual Dark Web provides an
intellectualization of the “reactionary” impulse that opposes the radicalism of
modern left-wing campus culture. In this way, they have much in common with
Burke, whose philosophy was articulated as an opposition to the Jacobin
radicals of the French Revolution. To Goldberg’s observation that the IDW is
merely united by its rejection of leftist thought, I propose that opposition to
radicalism is, in and of itself, an ideology. If conservatism begins as
a disposition — what Michael Oakeshott described as “a propensity to use and to
enjoy what is available rather than to wish for or to look for something else;
to delight in what is present rather than what was or what may be” — then the
reactionary impulse is also a deeply conservative one.
Identity politics, intersectionality theory, and the
other fashionable theologies that have become commonplace in college classrooms
are explicitly aimed at radical change of the worst order, dedicated to tearing
down much of what makes the American project unique. Anyone who spends time on
college campuses is familiar with talk of “dismantling,” “subverting,” or
“deconstructing” any manner of cultural, economic, or institutional
superstructures that are thought to reproduce and propagate oppression. The
philosophies of perpetual grievance that dominate campus discourse insist that
we must look at our cultural heritage as the sum total of its faults, reducing
every moment of our history to a Hegelian relationship between the oppressor
and the oppressed.
An instinctually negative reaction to this reductionist
worldview is natural, but the members of the IDW provide a vital service in
offering an intellectual defense of this initial impulse. This is, in many
ways, what Burke set out to do in Reflections on the Revolution in France,
providing a philosophical defense of the natural conservative disposition: the
desire to preserve, protect, and be attached to the imperfections of the
present rather than to seek out potential utopias of the future. For many,
exploring this is the first step to political conservatism.
There is ample historical precedent for this phenomenon;
whenever youthful radicals become too powerful, they unwittingly create a new
generation of conservatives. Earlier this month, Christian Gonzalez wrote that
the IDW are the
new neoconservatives, and this is an apt comparison in more ways than one.
In the same way that neoconservatives were a group of previously liberal
students and professors who moved rightwards in reaction to campus radicalism,
the IDW and their followers are composed of many on the Left who find
themselves identifying more with conservatives than with their previous
political allies, who seem suddenly taken with moral relativism, postmodernism,
and the elevation of gender and racial identity over honest intellectual combat
and the pursuit of truth.
Conservatives should look more closely at this
phenomenon; it seems that, thus far, they have viewed it from afar with little
more than bemused curiosity. Like any movement, the IDW is far from perfect,
and the jury is still out as to whether or not its ascendance and subsequent
association with the conservative movement is something we should be excited
about. But it is clear that they have become far too significant to ignore. The
influence they exercise and the sheer number of followers at their command
should, at the very least, motivate conservatives to pay more attention.
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