By Paul Bonicelli
Wednesday, November 14, 2018
President Donald Trump and French President Emmanuel
Macron have a unique and often strained relationship. They alternate between
clashing with and fawning over one another, because even though they are quite
different people, they seek similar goals: the greatness of their countries.
The age difference and generational dynamic explain some
of the ups and downs of this relationship, as do the different political
cultures of the two countries. But there is more to it than that. There is the
history of each country and our relationship across history; there is the
current state of world affairs with the United States’s continuing dominance
while France is in its second century of declining importance and influence;
and there is the failure of the European Union to create the kind of home and
institutions that would satisfy the great powers of Europe vis a vis a power
like the United States.
Latest Battle in
This War of Words: The United Nations
The latest clash between Trump and Macron was Macron’s
strong rebuttal Saturday to Trump’s United Nations speech in September. That
Trump speech was the clearest and starkest explanation of Trump’s views on
international affairs and his plans for the U.S. role in the world. Trump
rejected globalism and embraced patriotism, which many of his critics say is
really nationalism. Trump seems to be fine with that term nationalism, too,
because he has embraced it as meaning patriotism.
The globalism he rejects maintains that each nation-state
should defer to international organizations or other nation-states when
confronting challenges both at home and abroad. In the patriotism, or
nationalism, he embraces, each nation-state naturally prefers itself and seeks
its own interests above all others.
Such nationalism has room for cooperation, but as among
sovereign and independent countries (i.e., they should work out deals through
negotiations). In fact, Trump doesn’t think a country can cooperate with any
other country unless each is clear about its interests. Importantly, this is
what diplomacy has meant for most of the history of the world.
Here are the key lines from Trump’s UN speech that really
shouldn’t be as confusing as his critics make them out to be:
Each of us here today is the
emissary of a distinct culture, a rich history, and a people bound together by
ties of memory, tradition, and the values that make our homelands like nowhere
else on Earth.
That is why America will always
choose independence and cooperation over global governance, control, and
domination.
I honor the right of every nation
in this room to pursue its own customs, beliefs, and traditions. The United
States will not tell you how to live or work or worship.
We only ask that you honor our
sovereignty in return.
Let’s note the key terms: independence, sovereignty, and
cooperation. I focus on these because they have a rich history in academic
theory but are also terms that any layman should be able to grasp. For example,
every citizen and national leader appreciates that their country is independent
and sovereign; in fact, the fundamental purpose of the United Nations is to
express the right of national sovereignty and to defend it. The UN was founded
to do what the League of Nations failed in theory and practice to accomplish.
Preventing aggressors from simply taking over other
countries was paramount in everyone’s purpose at the end of World War I and
again at the end of World War II. But few citizens and national leaders think
that cooperation among countries is illegitimate or without merit just because
every state jealously guards its sovereignty. It has been rather normal for
nation-states to cooperate since the formation of them after 1648.
Why Are People
Criticizing Trump for Saying the Obvious?
So Trump expressed exactly what the UN was founded for
and what common sense has revealed to observers and foreign policy
practitioners for generations. Why did this result in criticism?
Part of the reason is that it is Trump saying it. Nothing
he says has merit or is to be taken as sincere, his critics tell us every time
he speaks or tweets. But there’s more to it than that. Trump is saying
something that the world is used to the most powerful and consequential
nation-state not saying. The United
States is supposed to pretend that it is just another nation like any other,
that it isn’t really as powerful as it is, that it finds its rightful role in
cooperation with the “international community,” whatever that is.
In short, while U.S. presidents for several decades have
emphasized a humble role, and Obama was the quintessence of it, none ever
really thought that the United States was bound by anything other than our
national interests when faced with real threats or challenges to our interests.
Every U.S. president has acted at times without and even sometimes contrary to
UN and “international community” wishes. They just knew not to acknowledge it.
Such is the pretense all are supposed to honor. But
everyone knows the United States is the guarantor of the world order we have
enjoyed since 1945, an order built on the concepts of the inviolability of
borders (sovereignty) and the free movement of goods. No one thinks Europe is
going to save itself from another attempt to dominate it as the Nazis did then
the Soviets, although I would like to see them arrive at that ability. No one
thinks that any entity other than the United States can prevent China from
controlling global trade through the Asia-Pacific sea lanes. No one thinks that
any entity other than the United States can face down aggressors like Iran or
North Korea.
Everyone knows all this, but saying it is apparently
rude, impolitic, undiplomatic. For small and weak states, it might be an
unpleasant truth, but they hardly are very bothered by the knowledge since it
is obvious. But if you are a great power seeking to displace the United States
because you want a change in the world order, such as, say, China, Russia, or
Iran; or if you are a great power who no longer is as relevant as you once
were, such as, say, France, then it does bother you a lot for the U.S.
president to speak so plainly.
Macron Wants
France to Be Great Again, Too
That brings us to Macron and his vision of France’s role
in the world. He wants France to be great again. There is nothing wrong with
that. Since France is a great power, it used to have tremendous influence in
the world, and it has a lot to offer (though the French model of political
order has been the most beneficial where it has been tried around the world,
including in France which is on its fifth try at republican government).
Under various leaders France has talked about the
importance of global cooperation and usually avoided rhetoric that could
exemplify nationalism, but it has certainly at times acted unilaterally and
contrary to UN and globalist norms. It has intervened in troubled African
countries that had been its colonies, and it has tested nuclear weapons
contrary to international norms. It’s no globalist saint.
Macron is aware of his hypocrisy, so why does he counter
Trump so bluntly, and why at a celebration of the end of a horrific war when
the theme should have been unity? Because Macron wants to make his country
great again, and he has few options other than to appear to lead the global and
especially European resistance to Trump.
Let us look at what Macron said and the context. He put
words in Trump’s mouth and assumed the very worst interpretation of the terms
Trump uses. It is not too much to assume that Macron also wants us to compare
Trump with current leaders in Europe whom Macron thinks are too nationalistic
and dangerous (e.g., the Poles and the Hungarians; but then we have to assume
Macron also means the various parties in Europe that are gaining electoral
ground as their establishment parties falter over immigration and, well,
patriotism).
Even though Trump defined his terms, Macron nevertheless
implied that Trump was reaching back to the past with his nationalism. He noted
how dangerous this is because past nationalism gave us WWI and thousands of
deaths and much destruction.
But Trump’s use of the term and his ideas about it, as I
noted above, have nothing to do with the aggressive nationalist postures of the
German kaiser’s empire. WWI came about because the United Kingdom and France
refused to cooperate when they had to confront Germany. The fault lies with
Germany for its aggression, but some blame falls on the two powers that could have
faced the kaiser down had their governments been willing to do their jobs as
national leaders. They repeated their
sad performance in the face of Hitler.
Putting Words in
Trump’s Mouth
Then Macron went further, and should be embarrassed for
his absurd rhetoric about patriotism. He said: “Patriotism is the exact
opposite of nationalism. Nationalism is a betrayal of patriotism. In saying
‘Our interests first, whatever happens to others,’ you erase the most precious
thing a nation can have, that which makes it live, that which causes it to be
great and that which is most important: Its moral values.”
Let us be clear: Trump did not say this. Macron put words
in his mouth and came up with his own definition of nationalism apart from what
Trump has said about it. For example, Trump never said “our interests first,
whatever happens to others.” In fact, Trump has said something far different.
His assertions about U.S. interests cannot be understood apart from his
recognition of the value of cooperation. He is regularly engaging with other
countries and having considerable success.
If the charge is that he is not going to the United
Nations to seek cooperation, that hardly indicates an aversion to cooperation.
Thus, Macron cannot logically conclude that the United States under Trump does
not care what happens to others.
Nor did Trump say that he has no concern for moral
values. He’s never defined patriotism or nationalism as being inconsistent with
or opposed to moral values. He and Macron might disagree over what constitutes
moral values in foreign policy, but that is a discussion they can have without
Macron assuming the worst. Besides, Trump is pretty clear on the fundamental
moral values enshrined in the UN Charter regarding national sovereignty and the
inviolability of nation-state borders. Macron’s charge is unfair.
Here’s Macron’s
Real End Game
But let’s play Macron’s word games. His apparent
definitions of nationalism and cooperation sound like he’s saying that no
nation can act in its own interests but should act according to the interests
of the international community (again, whatever that is). I would like one day for leaders like Macron
to be transparent and simply admit that what they really want is for the United
States to abandon pursuit of its interests and do what other countries want it
to do. We won’t, of course, as Obama is no longer president, but the honesty
would be refreshing, and clarifying.
So what is Macron’s game? Macron — like Gen. Charles De
Gaulle — thinks of France as the natural leader of Europe and of Europe as the
natural leader of the world. As French
thinking goes, France civilizes Europe, and Europe civilizes the world. That
means the United States must show deference rather than go it alone. Thus we
have the competing notions of “nationalism” and the smearing of Trump’s America
First and his concept of patriotism.
No matter what Macron said about Trump last weekend,
Macron does not oppose nationalism; he opposes Trump’s notion of nationalism
because Trump won’t pretend that nation-states act on the interests of others
or of the mythical international community. Macron can pretend that if he
chooses, but no one thinks that France or any other country pursues any
interests but its own. In fact, as we dig deeper into the events of the last
few days, it is clear that France under Macron seeks to advantage France by
seeking to lead Europe against the United States.
Those events surrounding Macron’s criticism of Trump
underscore my point: Macron did not just preside over a gathering of the allies
to celebrate the 100-year anniversary of the end of WWI this past weekend. He
did two more things for the sake of France and to counter the United States.
First, he called for a European Army to oppose Russia and the United States.
Moreover, he gathered world leaders on Sunday (although
not Trump, who was otherwise busy) for the inaugural Paris Peace Forum. Leaders
talked and attended dialogues and roundtables with the goal of furthering
peace. Not a few dignitaries weighed in on Trump indirectly with more rhetoric
like Macron’s about nationalism.
It’s Virtue
Signaling, Because Macron Has Nothing Else
His goal is clear. He wants to be seen as the leader of
all the nations interested in furthering peace through cooperation, dialogue,
and development. But we already have that forum. It is called the United
Nations and it hasn’t accomplished that goal. We would rightly doubt that with
this forum Macron will either. So why do it? Because when you are a former
world leader and now only a middling power, and not very economically strong at
that, and you have an overweening desire to lead other countries, you have to
do something.
So you take on what you say is the world’s problem child
(“hyperpower” is the usual French derogatory term), led by a man you say evokes
the specter of dangerous nationalism, and hope for the best. You pretend that
Europe needs its own army to counter the United States and that only a forum
led by Europe can give the world hope for peace. It was pure theater.
Over the weekend, the two leaders were cordial in person,
enjoying a short meeting complete with Macron this time being the affectionate
“toucher.” But the weekend’s clash was revealing of how unlikely it is that
these two can ever be on the same page.
Both presidents are embarked on a journey to make their
countries great again. Trump is trying to do so by words and deeds such as
plain-speaking about the real nature of international relations and building up
his country’s economy and military while facing down threats. Macron has only
words that he uses to imply things that others have not said, raising red
herrings, proposing a fantasy army, and holding redundant conferences. No
European country wants to see France leading them, and none want to build a
European army for any reason, certainly not to counter the United States.
Trump, warts and all, is a breath of fresh air for
diplomacy in the post-WWII era. He might overdo it at times, but no one should
misunderstand what he is saying and doing. As I listen to press conferences and
read transcripts, it is clear that Trump and his interlocutors have real
conversations.
When I listen to Macron’s speeches, I hear a desperate
attempt to resist Trump by calling up the horrors of wars that Trump didn’t
start and has no interest in provoking. I doubt he’s very worried by Macron,
who has a lower approval rating than Trump and has thoroughly annoyed other
European leaders.
Trump ignored the Peace Forum, didn’t respond to Macron’s
attack, and goes on about his business of negotiating with allies and enemies.
If he fails in any of these endeavors, I doubt it will be because of the French
president, whose presidency — already a failure — is comprised of him acting on
his delusions of grandeur.
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