By Kevin D. Williamson
Sunday, November 11, 2018
Just before the election, an Andrew Gillum intern named
Shelby Shoup was arrested and charged with battery after assaulting some
college Republicans on the campus of Florida State University. It was rather
less exciting than that sounds: She went on a rant about “Nazis” and “fascism”
— Gillum’s Republican opponent, Ron DeSantis, finished up at Harvard Law and
then joined the U.S. military and helped to fight actual Jew-hating
totalitarian thugs in Iraq, in case anybody cares about the facts — before dousing the Republicans
with chocolate milk.
There isn’t much of enduring interest in that story:
Feckless and hysterical young Caitlyns have been going all rage-monkey from
coast to coast for a good bit now, and one might get a feel for the level of
maturity at play here by meditating on the fact that a grown-ass woman of legal
voting age was walking around drinking chocolate milk. Caitlyns gotta Caitlyn,
I suppose.
Of course Shoup should be convicted on a misdemeanor
battery charge, this being a fairly open-and-shut case supported by video
evidence. Her actions are also a serious violation of the university’s code of
student conduct, which could entail punishment up to and including expulsion.
Kicking her out of the university would be excessive, I think, and she’s
obviously in need of further and better education. I’d suggest having her write
a 40-page essay on the works of Russell Kirk or F. A. Hayek, or maybe Ludwig
von Mises on the actual Nazis and totalitarianism.
Spilt milk, indeed.
This sort of behavior should be understood as being on a
spectrum.
The assault on Tucker Carlson’s home by Antifa thugs this
week was a much more serious episode. It was an act of political terrorism
directed at the family of a journalist and commentator with the goal of
intimidating him into silence. “We know where you sleep at night,” they chanted
as they vandalized his home and his wife hid in a pantry. (He was not at home
during the episode.) They also broke his front door in what may or may not have
been an attempt to illegally and forcibly enter the home. A mob of 20 or so
thugs trying to kick in the door, a mother by herself hiding in a pantry: The
next time somebody asks you why anybody really needs a semiautomatic rifle,
here’s your answer.
Imagine a line that measures the moral distance between
Shelby Shoup’s battery in Florida to the Antifa assault on Tucker Carlson’s
home, and then extend that line by the same distance in the same direction.
Where are we then? Arson? Bombs? The kind of massacre James T. Hodgkinson was
trying to pull off when he shot Steve Scalise and fired on other Republicans?
How long until we arrive at Timothy McVeigh or Osama bin Laden — both of whom
earnestly believed that their acts of terrorism were morally imperative in the
face of tyranny and evil?
Shoup and Antifa flatter themselves that they are what
stands between the United States and fascism or Nazism. This is, obviously,
absurd. It’s pure tribalism: President Obama authorized the extrajudicial
killing of American citizens as a national-security measure; President Trump is
an angry tweeter. But it is the latter rather than the former that apparently
presages the rise of a Falange Americana. That is how you know that this is a
fundamentally unserious point of view.
But unserious points of view can have serious
consequences. I am skeptical of most claims that such-and-such speech (always
the other guy’s rhetoric) leads inexorably to violence. It was a dumb argument
back when Tipper Gore was making it about rappers, and it’s a dumb argument
when Fareed Zakaria makes it about President Trump. There are people who want
to perform acts of violence and who will find a pretext for doing so; sometimes
their pathological hatred finds a specifically political expression, sometimes
a religious one, sometimes whatever it is that the Unabomber was thinking.
Campus Caitlyns are primed and looking for an opportunity to engage in
performative hysterics, and very few of them have the talent to make a career
out of it the way (congratulations to the Bronx) Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez has.
My objection to these absurd claims of Nazism isn’t so
much that they might inspire violence (Americans generally require very little
inspiration on that front) but that they are not true. Ron DeSantis is not a Nazi. No amount of petulant weeping and
chocolate-milk tossing is going to make that true. Mitt Romney, lately of Utah,
did not get himself elected to the Senate in the service of a white-nationalist
agenda. Rick Scott has nothing in common with the Ku Klux Klan. Mitch McConnell
is not very much like Benito Mussolini. These are the facts of the case. The
politics of opposition, like the politics of government, should be based if not
on things that are self-evidently true
then at least on those that are not
self-evidently false.
Calling yourself an “antifascist” while defining
“fascism” as “the enforcement of ordinary immigration laws” or “thinking that
Bernie Sanders is a grumpy Muppet who should be kept far from the levers of
power” is entirely childish and deeply stupid. (These absurd characterizations
also, not that anybody really cares, drown out legitimate criticisms of the
Trump administration and congressional Republicans.) These play-acting buffoons
aren’t the moral equivalent of the French Resistance — they are mincing would-be
thugs looking for something that will make them feel better about themselves.
Apparently, terrorizing Tucker Carlson’s wife scratches an itch that weed and
NetFlix don’t.
Periods of intense social change often are accompanied by
mass hysterias. The snoopery and vindictiveness of the Red Scare were only
partly about Communism — much of the paranoia of that time had to do with
events in Muncie, not Moscow. The mass hysteria about Satanic cults engaged in
the widespread sexual abuse of American children — a complete fiction—was
probably a moral overcorrection set against the divorce epidemic of the 1970s
and 1980s and the excesses of the so-called Sexual Revolution.
The age of easy and instantaneous connectivity,
globalization, and related phenomena have created a new kind of “lonely crowd,”
full of people who feel isolated, inadequate, insignificant — and resentful of
being made to feel that way. There are many ways to assuage that loneliness,
but many of them — family life, religion — have fallen out of fashion. Ordinary
politics provides insufficient drama, as anybody who has observed the real
business of government in action knows. Fantasy politics — I’m fighting the
Nazis! — offers a lot more emotional oomph.
It’s a sad spectacle. It’s also a dangerous one.
A lonely, angry crowd is a lonely mob, one that already
has discovered sterner stuff than chocolate milk.
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