Kevin D. Williamson
Tuesday, April 24, 2018
In my recent Wall
Street Journal essay on the politics of Twitter mobs, I noted that the
episode was accompanied by a great deal of sloppy journalism—remarkably lazy journalism. Of all the mostly
denunciatory articles about me that appeared in the big-name press (at least
four in the New York Times alone) not
a single writer of any of them bothered to ask me about my views on the
subjects in question: abortion and capital punishment. Naturally, practically
all of them got it wrong (see the corrections) never having bothered to perform
the characteristic act of journalism and, you know, ask a question or two.
Ed Kilgore, a dreary partisan dolt in the employ of New York magazine, thought he saw an
opening, and sent me a one-question inquiry: “What is your ‘public policy recommendation’ on appropriate punishment
for women having abortions in a hypothetical criminalized abortion regime?” As
any reasonably intelligent person will immediately detect, that question isn’t
actually a question; it is a rhetorical stratagem in the shape of a question,
deployed for the purpose of lame partisan point-scoring in the form of blocks
of texts shaped like journalism. It isn’t discourse, but a facsimile of it, the
journalistic equivalent of the Gemütlichkeit Spamwich created by Lisa
Dziadulewicz of Sheboygan, Wisconsin: Just not quite right.
It is, as I have noted, a dishonest strategy, because the
question cannot be intelligently answered in a single sentence or two. (The
French law on the subject, for example, runs quite a bit longer than that.) Try
to summarize it in sound-bite form and you’ll produce something that is easy to
caricature—which is, of course, the point of asking the question. So I wrote as
much to Kilgore:
We have fifty states with fifty
different political environments, and I would be surprised if, in a post-Roe
world, the statutory situation in Oklahoma looked very much like that of
Connecticut. People on the pro-choice side seek to shift the conversation to
the question of the specifics of criminal sanction for obvious and shallow
rhetorical purposes—because that’s an easy way to whip up emotional hysteria,
preempting meaningful discourse rather than enabling it. The obviousness and
stupidity of that gambit should be fairly obvious to any reasonably intelligent
and fair-minded adult, but those are in unfortunately short supply.
As noted, my original observations
on this subject, including the Infamous Tweet, speak to the very dishonesty and
stupidity of the stratagem upon which you are here relying. I can’t believe
that you are in fact unaware of my opposition to capital punishment.
That, in turn, gave New
York magazine the opportunity to write the headline Kilgore wanted to
write: “Kevin Williamson Won’t Tell Me What He Thinks Should Happen to Women
Who Have Abortions.”
But that isn’t the whole truth, either. I made a great
effort to tell him—and his editor, Adam Moss.
What you will not read about at New York magazine is the fact that I offered them a full account of
my views on the subject, in the form of an essay on exactly how I think we should go about dealing with the legal
prohibition of abortion. (In the interest of making this easier for New York magazine, I offered this at no
charge, something I almost never do. “No man but a blockhead ever wrote except
for money,” as Dr. Johnson observed.) Why take one or two sentences, filtered
through the unreliable sensibility of a hostile columnist, when you could have
the whole thing? Because, as New York
editor Adam Moss told me, that is “as much on the subject of your views on this
matter as we want to publish.”
And there you have it.
New York
magazine, in the words of its own editor, prefers a truncated, incomplete
account, which is of course easier to distort and to misrepresent. Whatever
that is, it isn’t journalism.
A subject to which I expect to be returning in the near
future is the way in which social media functions as a tool for the prevention of discourse rather than an
instrument enabling it. One of the lessons of the 20th century is that
authoritarian movements are happy to use the instruments of liberal democracy
as weapons against liberal democracy: Newspapers, mass media, political
parties, even elections themselves can be used to undermine genuinely liberal
and democratic institutions.
Imagine an election in which the majority votes to
disenfranchise some despised minority group and then defends the results as
“democracy.” In a similar way, social media is purportedly an instrument for
the enabling of discourse that is in fact used to prevent actual exchange—and, unhappily, the same desire to preempt
genuine dialogue can be found throughout the ordinary news media. That is even
true at prestigious publications such as New
York magazine, which either is or is not interested in what I think about
abortion and capital punishment, depending on which is more politically useful at
the moment.
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