By David Harsanyi
Wednesday, March 02, 2016
Burn it down. Scorch the earth. Blow it up. If the GOP
realigns itself behind Donald Trump and surrenders its alleged principles for a
fleeting stab at power, it will almost certainly be blown up—by movement
conservatives.
After what happened on Super Tuesday, it would be
delusional to believe that Trump is going to be denied the nomination because
of a political counteroffensive or a (improbable) unity ticket. You never know,
I guess. Whatever the case, there’s still plenty of time to launch scathing
attacks on his dubious character and authoritarian ideas. There is still time
to root for a brokered convention, where, with any luck, the GOP will pull off
some highly undemocratic mischief and deny Trump and his many irrational
supporters the nomination.
OMG. How can you say something like that about working-class voters!? You have such
disdain for them!
No doubt, you’ve heard this kind of Trumpian identity
politics. A lot of us come from modest backgrounds. Are working-class people
now exempt from debate just because they harbor legitimate gripes about the
economic realities of America? Or are we saying that Americans in a lower
economic strata are uniquely susceptible to populist demagoguery? If you
believe Trump can force Apple to build its phones in the United States, as the
man claimed yesterday, you deserve derision. Not because you’re working-class,
but because you’ll believe anything.
Now, a major political party is about to succumb to
illiberalism so it can emotionally satisfy this faction of irrational voters.
America already has a party of protectionism, class warfare, and top-down
economics. It doesn’t need two. It’d be better to burn down this iteration of
Republican Party than leave it for the enemy to use in an arms race of
government growth. It has nothing to do with securing the future of Paul Ryan
or Mitch McConnell, and everything to do with clinging to antiquated principles
about free markets and limited government.
By all means, GOP, whip up some compelling ideas for the
working poor and disaffected middle class. It’s about time. But if the
Republican Party is going to make common cause with a candidate who has to
equivocate when he’s asked about a David Duke endorsement or threatens to limit
the free press for those who are critical of him, it’s a party that’s lost,
anyway.
And I’m sorry, but “support the American Putin because
he’s the only one who can save SCOTUS and the Constitution” is deeply
unpersuasive.
So far, Ben Sasse has been the only senator who’s openly
talked about defecting if Trump wins. But how is Mike Lee or Ted Cruz or Rand
Paul going to campaign for Trump when a liberal Republican like Chris Christie
looks like he’s being held hostage by Trump, Inc.?
Increasingly, you hear the desperation. You can sense
anger mounting among anti-Trumpers at the donor class and “establishment,”
which waited too long to take Trump seriously, underestimated his appeal, and
helped create the disaster with their exaggerated promises and subsequent
surrenders. Consequently, it’s becoming less rare for conservatives to argue
that a Hillary victory is preferable to a GOP run by Trump.
Some Republicans will almost certainly try to appropriate
the Trump movement. Every conservative clique seems to believe his popularity
can be traced back to the GOP’s surrender on enter your favorite issue here.
If only the GOP fixed this issue, voters would become more reasonable. Some,
like the reformicons, are under the impression that you can control the
populist mob by offering it some strategically placed child-tax credits or a
bit of tinkering on immigration policy. This is absurd.
Much of Trump support is tied to protectionism and the
myth that the GOP was in cahoots with the Obama administration. Maybe one day a
watered-down redistribution project will appeal to Trumpkins, but right now
there is no dissuading the millions of primary voters who like Trump even after
everything he’s said and done.
But Trumpism, as destructive as it is, is also
unsustainable. It’s not to say the 2016 revolt isn’t real; it’s a genuine
reaction to discontent. But surely Pat Buchanan and Ross Perot also imagined
they had enduring movements on their hands. Trump isn’t going to erect an
infrastructure for a lasting party. He will not be recruiting or cultivating
lower-tier Trumpian candidates. He won’t be spending millions furthering a set
of ideals, because he doesn’t have any to offer. Apple will not assemble phones
in Milwaukee. There is no Trump after Trump.
Unless, that is, the GOP backs him. Then they adopt it
all. Even then there is way for traditionalists to redeem themselves. If Trump
wins the nomination, he will have taken over the party, shelved the
conservative agenda and replaced it with big government protectionism. And just
as Trump and his infuriated fans could sink the aspirations of Ted Cruz or
Marco Rubio, traditional conservatives have the power to destroy the
billionaire’s presidential future, as well. They can run a third-party
candidate. It would be negligent if they didn’t.
Welcome To The Conservative Counterrevolution
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