By Jonah Goldberg
Thursday, August 07, 2014
World War I started one century ago. Wait! Don't stop
reading.
For most Americans, the war is like algebra or frog
anatomy -- something you have to study briefly in school but then never have to
think about again. Unlike World War II, with its unambiguous villains, epic
battles and clear victory, World War I is a hot mess. Countries and forgotten
empires declared war on each other in no small part because a bunch of
aristocrats in funny clothes said they had to.
Everything about World War I -- from the seemingly
ridiculous fighting techniques (who hasn't watched a movie with trench warfare
and thought, "Man, that's a dumb way to die"?) to the clothes and
music -- seems anciently irrelevant.
But the truth is that almost no modern event can hold a
candle to it. George Kennan observed that when studying the maladies of the
20th century, "all the lines of inquiry lead back to World War I." A
century from now, people might say the same thing of the past two centuries.
Let's start with the obvious. The staggering loss of
military lives: 650,000 Italians, 325,000 Turks, nearly a million from the
British empire, over a million from Austro-Hungarian lands, 1.4 million from
France, 1.7 million Russians, 1.8 million Germans and 116,516 Americans -- not
to mention 8.9 million civilian casualties worldwide. None of that counts the
50 million fatalities resulting from the influenza pandemic largely unleashed
by the war.
Without World War I, you don't get the second -- a
poignant irony given that the former was sold as the "war to end all
wars." The terms imposed on Germany, described as a "Carthaginian
peace" by John Maynard Keynes, made another war virtually inevitable. Much
as Adolf Hitler found his life's mission while fighting in World War I. Benito
Mussolini's fascism was a direct adaptation of what he called "the
socialism of the trenches."
Without the first war, the Bolsheviks almost surely would
never have come to power in Russia. That led to the Soviet Union's mass murder,
Eastern Europe's enslavement, the Cold War and, of course, Vladimir Putin's
career.
The Middle East's travails can be traced in no small part
to the Ottoman Empire's dissolution at the end of WWI. Dividing their spoils,
the British and French drew most of the contours of the Arab world to their
benefit. According to a surely false legend, the line between Jordan and Saudi
Arabia takes a crooked turn because someone bumped Winston Churchill's elbow
while he was drawing it. (Churchill himself blamed his errant pen on a liquid
lunch.) What's not disputed is that the resulting maps have fed countless
conflicts and resentments ever since.
In the West, the war opened a Pandora's box, unleashing
innumerable cultural and intellectual demons that we have decided to make peace
with rather than defeat.
And then there's America. Some good was hastened by the
war, though it's hard to believe women's suffrage wasn't inevitable. But it's
also hard to ignore the harm, at least from a libertarian perspective.
"I believe it is no exaggeration," wrote
sociologist Robert Nisbet, "to say that the West's first real experience
with totalitarianism -- political absolutism extended into every possible area
of culture and society, education, religion, industry, the arts, local
community and family included, with a kind of terror always waiting in the
wings -- came with the American war state under Woodrow Wilson."
Wilson introduced domestic spying, censorship, violent
political intimidation of opponents and economic statism into the American DNA.
Pro-Wilson intellectuals celebrated the "social possibilities of
war," in the words of John Dewey. By that they meant the ability to force
Americans to, as Frederick Lewis Allen put it, "lay by our good-natured individualism
and march in step." The enduring notion that experts could plan the
economy from Washington was largely born in Wilson's "war socialism."
David Adesnik, my colleague at the American Enterprise
Institute, has an essay in The Weekly Standard arguing America had no choice
but to join World War I because Germany had resolved to fight us. Maybe so, but
America joined that stupid and calamitous war very late in the game and by
doing so abetted the Carthaginian peace. The correctness of that choice is an
academic question. The consequences of it remain very much alive.
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