By Victor Davis Hanson
Tuesday, August 19, 2014
It may not have been the aim of Missouri Highway Patrol
captain Ron Johnson to outsource security responsibilities to someone
affiliated with the New Black Panthers and a legal activist group, but that is
the impression that one receives from listening to his exchange with and praise
of Malik Shabazz. If this is the same Malik Shabazz who has a long history of
virulent racist and inflammatory anti-Semitic statements, then there has been
at least a partial erosion of legal authority in Ferguson.
Unfortunately, three diametrically opposed forces are now
in play:
1) the more complaints against the so-called
militarization of the police, the more some radical groups seem to have been
empowered to commit violence;
2) the angrier the demands are for quick justice and punishment
of the officer in question, the more videos, first-hand accounts, and the
autopsy reports suggest complexity and ambiguity about the train of events that
led to Mr. Brown’s death;
3) the more the canonization of Ron Johnson, the more
problematic his leadership appears in restoring order, staying neutral as a
police officer charged with quelling violence, and protecting the property of
innocents who had nothing to do with either the shooting or the responses to
the shooting.
Apparently what will now stop the violence is not state
authority and Mr. Johnson’s empathetic racial editorializing, but either bad
weather, popular justice meted out to the police officer in question, or
eventual ennui and exhaustion on the part of satiated looters and rioters — or
all three.
In some sense, Ferguson is emblematic of our times in
which the sanctity of established law exists only to the degree that it is
considered useful in promoting a more egalitarian agenda. In the matter of the
recent influx at the southern border, we were told that the crisis atmosphere,
and the perceived just cause of impoverished foreign nationals seeking to cross
the border, made existing immigration enforcement either unfair or irrelevant.
A new policy of open borders then emerged with the power of law and the
resources of federal enforcement to give it effect.
So we live now, I think, in service to critical legal
theory: Legal statutes are seen as constructs that legitimize the prejudices of
the wealthy and the privileged of society. Our so-called legislatures and
judiciaries use the law as means of coercion to ensure their own position in a
most unfair hierarchy. In response, the proverbial people, whether in Ferguson
or at the border certainly, or, yes, at the Obama Department of Justice, have
the moral right to ignore these constructs and instead to fashion their own
sort of higher justice, which deserves to be canonized as legal and binding.
And so we get the disreputable Malik Shabazz as a
Robespierre-like street arbitrator of calm or violence in Ferguson, various
ethnic pressure groups as de facto legislators adjudicating who will be granted
access to the United States, and the current administration able to pick and
choose which particular existing federal law is deemed fair and useful and
which discriminatory and counter-productive — and rendered therefore null and
void.
In all these cases, any particular law at any particular
moment can be judged obsolete and an impediment to social justice — and so it
can be replaced immediately by a sort of revolutionary justice with the full
backing of the administrative state.
In that sense, even the old racial warhorses Al Sharpton
and Jesse Jackson have become passé, as we’ve evolved now well beyond the
misinformation and racialist politics of the Tawana Brawley carnival, the Duke
Lacrosse caper, and the Trayvon Martin controversy. And so what was once
written off as street theater has now been elevated to revolutionary
jurisprudence — a lasting legacy of the Obama administration in general, and in
particular the Holder Justice Department.
I think all that is what the confident Mr. Shabazz was
trying to encapsulate to a receptive but somewhat Mr. Johnson at the recent
press conference on Saturday.
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