By Avik Roy
Wednesday, March 20, 2013
On Monday, the Republican National Committee’s Growth and
Opportunity Project released its 100-page investigative report on the party’s
recent electoral failures. The report bluntly highlights the GOP’s
well-documented failure to persuade minority voters, the Democrats’
overwhelming advantage in data-driven voter targeting, the Republicans’
suboptimal presidential nominating process, and many other issues. The report
is refreshingly frank about the party’s problems, and it contains hundreds of
concrete and constructive recommendations for reform. So why is that so many
conservatives — including the editors of National Review — are so displeased?
As the authors of the report note, the Republican party
is performing catastrophically with ethnic and racial minorities. “In both 2008
and 2012, President Obama won a combined 80 percent of the votes of all
minority voters, including not only African Americans but also Hispanics,
Asians, and others.” Today, these voters represent 37 percent of the
population; by 2050, if present trends continue, they will represent a
majority.
It is a scandal that Republicans do so poorly with
minorities. But conservatives have long thrown out a pat answer to those who
have encouraged more and better efforts to engage minority groups: that such
outreach involves pandering and tokenism. Democrats, we say, will always outbid
us in their crude appeals to minority interests, and the media will always
slander us as racists in order to aid their liberal allies.
The pat answer has some truth to it, which is why it has
long survived as an excuse for conservatives’ complacency. But the conservative
argument — that we should resign ourselves to failure with minority voters
because we are too principled to engage in crass appeals — is itself telling.
Is it the conservative view that white voters are inherently more enlightened
than minority voters? That the white electorate, having memorized the
Federalist Papers, votes purely on Madisonian principle?
In fact, there are plenty of minority voters who vote on
principle and who seek the same things out of America that white voters do.
Asian-Americans voted for Obama in greater proportions than Hispanics did,
despite the fact that Asians earn higher incomes on average than whites and
possess a stronger culture of work, family, education, and self-advancement.
Republicans’ failure with Asians lays bare the excuse that ethnic minorities don’t
vote conservative because they don’t share conservative values.
NR’s editors recoil from the RNC’s suggestion that it
should “put minorities in charge of outreach” to minorities, calling it
“tokenism.” Is it also tokenism when Republicans put evangelicals in charge of
reaching out to evangelicals, or veterans in charge of reaching out to
veterans?
It’s positively Burkean, in fact, to acknowledge that
Republicans who have a shared historical and cultural experience with these
groups are best suited to persuading them that conservatives share their
principles and advance their interests. That doesn’t mean that the effort can
be left to minorities alone; as RNC chairman Reince Priebus acknowledged in his
remarks this week, minority outreach needs to be integrated into everything
else the Republican party does. And it can be.
All we need to do is look to our neighbors to the north.
In Canada, Conservative cabinet minister Jason Kenney has spearheaded a
remarkably successful effort to court Canada’s growing minority population. He
has done so the old-fashioned way: by attending ethnic community events all
over the country, listening to the concerns expressed there, bringing
interested community leaders into the Conservative fold, and recruiting
minority candidates to run for Parliament. Republicans would do well to pay
close attention to Kenney’s efforts.
Republicans who follow Kenney’s example will find that
they don’t need to make policy concessions in order to win elections. Instead,
they will find a growing appetite for the message and the principles they’ve
had all along. Contrary to some initial reactions from conservatives, the RNC
report did not endorse amnesty for illegal immigrants, but instead placed a
priority upon comprehensive immigration reform, which need not include amnesty.
Steve Pearce, a Republican congressman from New Mexico,
is as conservative as they come. He voted against John Boehner for speaker on
the premise that Boehner isn’t conservative enough. He opposed the DREAM Act, a
bill to offer legal status to the adult children of illegal immigrants. But he
has won five elections in a district that is less than 40 percent white. How
has he done it? The same way Jason Kenney has: by showing up. “You just have to
show up, all the time, everywhere,” he told the Wall Street Journal. “Most
Republicans don’t bother. I do. I bother.”
So long as conservatives believe that visiting ethnic
communities and listening to their concerns is “pandering,” whereas doing the
same with traditional conservative constituencies is not, we will deserve to
lose the minority vote. We must recognize that we have engaged in
rationalization and laziness, where respect and hard work are most required.
The RNC’s Growth and Opportunity Project is a refreshing effort to put money,
personnel, and urgency toward this goal of expanding the conservative
coalition.
But the RNC’s project is only a long-overdue first step
in what will have to be a decades-long effort to reverse the Republican slide
with minorities. The big risk now is that the RNC will rest on its laurels, or
will be discouraged by conservative complaints, and fail to execute the sound
strategy it has now laid out. To Reince Priebus, I say: Damn the starboard
torpedoes. Full speed ahead.
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